


,v v.. 







' ^JlCfc %^<' :'-^m\ ^^^ 






'<^- -• ..f^ ,.. 'K.'""'- ,^y _ % * 







V 



'^0^ 



>' .-o, ^a 



':^^S 




A' 



'-^0 



.^ 



•^q 



'^^ "^^'" "^^^ ^cV^ .s^i^r^", ';>^ ^ .\ 



^0^9- 



^ '^m^^ ."> 



<>^< 







<r^. 






^^V 



^. 




o ^- ^^j^m^^. "V ^^ i.m^x. " ^^^' 



.7^ - ^ 0^ 



'bV^ 







-n^-o^ 






> 



-jy' .' 



:. "^^^ A^ /.A^#a'^ '^<^„ c-^"* ^ 

























.0 ^ 



^J> * O « ' <^^ 








^^ 






•^W^- ./'X^-l^' .^'"^.'P?'./ 



o 






,v 






< 'o.;- G^ 

.0^ 



^ aV 






,v 



,v 



5^^; .-^ ^^ '^y^m^- ^o-r 






.0 



<^„ 



\^^ 






^M. "-^..^* /Jfe"-. "-..^* .-kll^h ^^„.< 













^sm^ 



^oV" 




.-^q. 



* <> 









'b V 






V ^'^' 



wm^ \</ .'j^'v %.^^ :'mK' \/ •':^'- %^ 




The Early Exploration 
of Louisiana 




^y Isaac Joslin Cox, %. *D, 

Instructor in History ^ Uni'versity of Cincinnati, 
Cincinnati, Ohio. 



17 o: 



a 



% \: 

•^|, 1, 




Lewis and Clark, 1804-1805. 

Ivcwis, 1806. 

Clark, 1806. 

o + o + oPike and Wilkinson, 1806. 



+ + + +Pike, 1805-1806. 

o o o ooo Wilkinson, 1806. 

iJKJiijuJKfifJKli Hunter and Dunbar, 1804-1805. 

(_>(_> ;^> Freeman, 1806. 



The Early Exploration of 
Louisiana. 



A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Department of 
Philosophy of the University of Pennsylvania 
in Partial Fulfillment of the Require- 
ments for the Degree of Doctor 
of Philosophy. 



By ISAAC JOSLIN COX, Ph. D., 

Instructor in History, University of Cincinnati; Sometime Holder 

of the Harrison Fellowship in American History, University 

of Pennsylvania; Fellow of the Texas State Historical 

Association; Editor of " The Journeys of 

La Salle and his Companions", 

etc., etc. 



1906 

Univeksitv of Cincinnati Press 
Cincinnati, Ohio 



rss3 

. C B&>5 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
PREFACE. 

Chapter I. — The Title and Its Definition. 

Chapter II. — Preparing to Exporc the Missouri. 

Chapter III. — Lewis and Clark on the Missouri. 

Chapter IV . — Jefferson's Plan for Exploring Louisiana. 
'' Chapter V.- — The Hunter-Dunbar Expedition up the Washita. 

Chapter VI. — A Leader and a Passport for tlie Red River 
Expedition. 

Chapter VTI. — Spanish Expeditions Along the Louisiana 
P)order. 

Chapter VHI. — The Bid for the Support of the Red River 
Indians. 

Chapter IX. — Freeman's Red River Expedition. 

Chapter X. — Pike on the Upper Mississippi. 

Chapter XT. — Wilkinson, Pike, and the Southwest. 

(Chapter XTI. — Opening the Santa Fe Trail. 

Chapter XITI. — Pike on the Mexican Border. 

Chapter XT\'. — The Diplomatic Correspondence of Louisiana 
Exploration. 

Chapter X\'. — Summary and Conclusion. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
MAPS. 

( 1 ) Map to Illustrate Cieneral Exploration of Louisiana. 

Frontispiece. 

(2) Map of the Washita and Lower Red River. 

Facing Chapter V. 



PREFACE. 

The work of which this present monograph is a result repre- 
sents but one essential part of an extensive study of the frontiers 
of the Louisiana Purchase, during the years from its acquisition 
to its delimitation, following the Treaty of 1819. As in so many 
similar cases, I approached the subject with a view to make a study 
of the whole of the period above mentioned ; but with the accum- 
ulation of material I was obliged to contract the field until the 
work assumed the present form and title. Despite the multitude 
of individual studies and general publications called forth by the 
centennial of the Louisiana Purchase, I believe that the following 
monograph will justify its appearance as a fairly exhaustive 
survey of some unfamiliar phases occurring in our expansion to 
the westward. 

In approaching the subject of Lovusiana Exporation, even 
from the restricted standpoint assumed. I have found it impossible 
to avoid extended treatment of the work of Lewis and Clark and 
of Pike ; but. in view of the voluminous monographs devoted to 
these great pathfinders, I have endeavored to make this treatment 
a grouping of essential facts and an emphasis upon certain phases 
of their work, rather than a detailed resume of their undertakings. 
With reference to the minor expeditions, of which the details are 
little known, I have adopted a somewhat different course, but in 
both cases I have attempted to suggest broad lines of national 
]3olicy, rather than insignificant, though interesting details of 
frontier exploration. 

In studying the careers of the three great explorers just men- 
tioned, I have derived immense advantage from the previous labors 
of the late Dr. Elliot Coues and Dr. Reuben Gold Thwaites — an 
advantage to which my footnotes abundantly attest. In the study 
of Lewis and Clark 1 have unfortunately had opportunity to use 
only the first five volumes of the "Original Journals," which are 
now appearing under the editorship of Dr. Thwaites. For the 
Hunter-Dunbar expeditions I have had the use. not merely of the 



rccentl\" printed Dunbar "Journal," but also of the manuscript 
journal of Dr. George Hunter, now in possession of the American 
Philosophical Societv of Philadelphia. Through the kindness of 
the Secretary. Dr. I. Minis Hays, I was permitted to examine it. 

One of the principal features of the present study is the view, 
as I believe, now first afforded, of the Spanish side of Louisiana 
exploration. Two important manuscript sources have been used, 
the Bexar Archives and the Nezv Mexico Archii'es. The latter 
collection is now housed in the Library of Congress, where it is 
readily accessible to students. The former collection is much 
more extensive, but because of its location and unorganized con- 
dition has heretofore been little known. It is now in possession 
of the University of Texas, Austin, Texas, and is being classified 
under the direction of Professor George P. Garrison. At present, 
however, it is impossible to make more exact citations than are 
used in this work. Although I have personally worked upon this 
collection, most of the material herein used was furnished by my 
friend and co-worker, Dr. Walter Flavius McCaleb, who has thus 
emphasized his friendship and interest in historical production. 

In addition to these two important collections, I have likewise 
made use of the Claiborne Correspondence, six volumes of manu- 
scripts in the Bureau of Library and Rolls of the State Depart- 
ment ; the Wilkinso7i Papers, through the courtesy of the Board 
of Directors of the Chicago Historical Society ; and the Jefferson 
Papers, now in the Library of Congress. To a limited extent 
only, because the various expeditions provoked comparatively 
little diplomatic correspondence. I have also profited by an exam- 
ination of the files of the Bureau of Indexes and Archives in the 
State Department. I have also made use of certain material from 
the Archivo General of the City of Mexico, a valuable collection 
almost unknown to the historical world. The bibliography, as 
well as the footnotes, will make mention of other minor manu- 
script sources. 

It is hardly necessary to mention the long list of libraries, both 
public and private, from which, during the past two years, I have 
received courteous attention and valuable aid. It is but just to 
acknowledge the per.sonal interest of Professor J. B. McMaster 
and the timely suggestions and assistance of Professor H. V. 
Ames — both of the University of Pennsylvania. From Professor 



Merrick Whitcomb, of the University of Cincinnati. I have re- 
ceived innumerable courtesies in preparing the work for the Uni- 
versity Press. To my pupil and friend, F. J. Goldenberg, I am 
indebted for the maps, adapted from those accompanying Pike's 
Account of an Expedition. 

ISAAC JOSLIN COX. 

University of Cincinnati, January t6. 1906. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE TITLE AND ITS DEFINITION. 

The title of this monograph, "The Early Exploration of 
Louisiana," calls for a concise interpretation of its time limit and 
its geographical setting. Our first task, then, will be to discuss 
briefly these essential points. 

The name '"Louisiana" has been appHed to an uncertain terri- 
torial claim, to an equally ill-defined colonial jurisdiction, to the 
largest territorial acquisition of the United States, to a territory 
comprising the greater portion of this acquisition, and finally to a 
State of the American Union. In its widest extent it embraced 
nearly a third of the North American contient; in its most re- 
stricted use — that which is current at the present day — it embraces 
a relatively small fraction of our Union. Naturally such a term 
requires a careful definition, both as to place and time, in order to 
be carefully understood. At the outset it may eliminate confusion 
to state that the writer intends to confine his present study to the 
years 1803 to 1S07, inclusive, and that he will accordingly use the 
term "Louisiana" with the signification that it ordinarily bore 
during that period. For the most part, the people of that day 
regarded the name as applicable to the whole of our great pur- 
chase from France. It is true that, in 1804, the portion compris- 
ing almost all of the present .State of Louisiana was set apart as a 
separate territory, under the name of Orleans, while the rest of 
the purchase retained the original name. But this division, for 
political purposes merely, did not for many years destroy the 
unified view with which President and people regarded our great 
acquisition. 

The name "Louisiana," then, will be used to designate the 
whole of that vast territorial expanse acquired from Napoleon in 
1803; but even a statement apparently so simple as this does not 
remove every difficult v of definition. Statesmen and historians 
from Jefferson's day to the present time have never agreed con- 
cerning the exact limits of the Louisiana Purchase. Although it 



is not scientific to adopt an arbitrary interpretation without stat- 
ing the reasons that have led to it; yet, as the Hmits of this study 
will not permit such a detailed statement, while clearness requires 
rigid defitiition of the terms used, the writer ventures to give his 
opinion in a negative and somewhat arbitrary form. According 
to his interpretation, the "Louisiana Purchase" does not include 
Texas, West Florida, or any territory west of the Continental 
Divide.! 

The history of Spanish, French, and English settlements and 
explorations for some two and a half centuries previous to our 
acquisition supports this interpretation. In the sixteenth and 
seventeenth centuries, the vast region drained by the Mississippi 
formed part of that uncertain domain which Spain claimed as 
"Florida." From the southeast discoverers of this nation had 
approached and crossed this mighty river, while from the south- 
west others had reached some of its important tributaries; but 
there was no effective occupation of any portion of the great cen- 
tral valley. Finally, in the midst of this native wilderness, de- 
serted by the inefficient Spaniards, appeared the intrepid La Salle, 
and aroused them, in a measure, from their lethargy. But it was 
too late to preserve intact the region that sloth had been content 
to leave to native barbarism. From the north La Salle pressed 
the wedge of French occupation, thrusting Florida apart from the 
base of effective support on the mainland, and destroying the 
cherished plan of making the Mexican Gulf a closed sea. This 
event marks the first step in that continental expansion which 
finally deprived Spain of her colonies and divided her territories 
among the nations. 

The early years of the eighteenth century beheld the French 
firmly established upon the Gulf coast and in control of the Mis- 
sissippi River. Within three decades their colonial officials had 
settled the problem of neighborhood with their Spanish rivals. In 
the east, the Perdido, a small stream midway between Mobile and 
Pensacola, was observed by the local authorities as the limit of 
their respective jurisdictions. In the west, the Arroyo Hondo. 
an unimportant bayou west of Natchitoches, answered the same 
purpose. Neither of the home governments formally ratified the 



1. See map, Froniispircc. 

10 



work of its subordinates, nor did this local delimitation affect, in 
any measure, the vast interior watered by the Mississippi and its 
tributaries. By 1720,. the French had begun to advance up the 
Missouri. This movement provoked the Spaniards to send from 
New Mexico a counter expedition, which met an overwhelming 
defeat at the hands of the Pawnees.- This repulse left the French 
in undisputed control of the fur trade of the lower Missouri. 

Before another score of years elapsed these adventurous fur 
traders passed to the upper course of the Missouri, in the vicinity 
of the Mandan Indians ; and breaking a new pathway to the south- 
west, thev penetrated from the Missouri and Platte to Santa Fe."* 
These incursions, however, were in no way adequately followed 
up ; so that at the close of the French regime in Louisiana, neither 
they nor the Spaniards had effectually occupied the interior, while 
near the Gulf coast a few straggling settlements formed all that 
was tangible of two uncertain colonial jurisdictions, separated by 
tentative lines of little legal or diplomatic significance. 

When in 1763, Spain and England divided the bulk of the 
American continent, the former obtained the major portion of 
what the French had claimed as Louisiana. This acquisition the 
Spanish crown regarded as separate from the rest of its colonial 
dominions in America, and proceeded to treat it as such. Its 
evident purpose was to use the new territory as a buffer between 
its English neighbors and the more important interior provinces 
of Mexico. Accordingly, during this period, we find that those 
Spanish writers who treat the subject at all, emphasize the former 
local barriers, which, in their estimation, still continued to separate 
Spanish and French Creoles. ■* 

For a few years the westward tide of English migration at- 
tracted but little notice and called forth but few warnings; but 
when, with the waning of the century, the English tide became 
an Anglo-American flood, a far different problem confronted the 
lethargic Spanish officials. In the north the stream of British 



2. Hisloria 43, Opuscule /, Par. 15, 55, Archivo General, Mexico 
City; Bandelier, A. P., Papers of the Archaelogical Institute of America, 
V, 179-206. 

3. Margry, Dccouvertes et Etablissenicnls dcs Francais. etc., VI, 
426-464; 598-611. 

4. Cf. Historia 43, OpuscuLo /, Par. 30; Ihid, Document LXXIII. 
Par. 18, 19. 

11 



fur traders, pushing steadily to the west and southwest, by 1790 
rendered tlie control of strategic positions on the Pacific a matter 
of international importance. The work of these same traders 
upon the headwaters of the Mississippi and of the Missouri was 
much less noticeable, but it served to present another problem to 
the new possessor of Louisiana, when that province finally passed 
into American hands. The Spaniards made some futile attempts 
to control the fur trade, and the allegiance of the natives as well, 
along the middle course of the Missouri and its tributaries; but 
even in this region, before the close of the century, British industry 
was beginning to obtain a foothold. At this period, then, from a 
British base in the north and a Spanish base in the south and south- 
west, there emanated two opposing currents of influence that 
passed from one Indian tribe to another until finally they met near 
the bead waters of the Missouri. Here the first representatives 
(jf a third and finally controlling factor — the American — encoun- 
tered them on their journey to the Pacific. 

Meanvvhile. the stream of American migration that was begin- 
ning to sweep through Louisiana and to threaten Texas, by way 
of the Red and Washita Rivers, became more disquieting to Span- 
ish ofificials, because less understood and harder to control. The 
leading spirits of this movement became managers of plantations, 
owners of cattle ranches, horse-traders, and Indian factors, and 
in many other ways urged the development of the natural re- 
sources of the country. But the suspicious Spaniards saw in 
them only the first tide of an American invasion, destined ulti- 
mately to sweep over all Mexico.'"^ It is to be confessed that in 
the actions of Philip Nolan, the chief representative of this move- 
ment and a protege of Cieneral James Wilkinson, of unsavory rep- 
utation, there was abundant justification for the fears of these 
Mexican officials. Oddly enough Jefiferson, Wilkinson, and 
Dunbar, v/ho later figure so prominently in the following pages, 
first approach the subject of Louisiana exploration through this 
rarly pioneer. Nolan.'' 

So it Jiappened that when in 1803. Jefferson at length began, 

5. Gayarr^, History of Louisiana, III, 183, 407, 408. 

6. Wilkinson, Memoirs fl, App. II, passim. Some interesting 
letters concerninjr Nolan are printed in Texas Historical Quarterly, 
VII. 308-317. 

12 



in a fairly adequate manner, the subject of trans-Mississippi ex- 
ploration, the outskirts of the great district of Louisiana had been 
lightly fringed by Spanish, French, and English influences. But 
of the great interior there existed no definite knowledge ; and it 
was into tins interior that he was privileged to send the first expe- 
ditions for the scientific exploration of Louisiana — a Louisiana 
very slightly limited, as we have already stated, by two and a half 
centuries of ineffectual colonial influence. 

The time element of our subject next requires some explana- 
tion. What definite period is meant by the term "Early Explor- 
ation"? It was not until January, 1803, that a plan for western 
discovery under government auspices promised any degree of 
STiccess. It was in July, 1807, that Pike returned from his famous 
Mexican tour. The intervening three and a half years, then, 
comprise the period of this study — the period during which Lewis 
and Clark, Pike, Hunter and Dunbar, Freeman, and Sibley re- 
corded their names in the annals of Louisiana exploration. This 
was the period not only of "early" exploration, but of the most 
important work in that field, so far as the government was con- 
cerned. With one important exception, it was the only time for 
two decades after the purchase that the government encouraged 
direct public exploration at its own expense within its new acquisi- 
tion. Between 1807 and 1820 practically all western exploration, 
merely for its own sake, was done by individual scientists or fur 
traders ; and the former were in most cases dependent upon the 
latter for their opportimities. 

Thus the brief period selected for this study embraces nearly 
all government effort at exploration, before our treaty with Spain 
gave a definite western limit to our new acquisition. It is need- 
less to say that this fact gives the period a certain additional unity, 
if such were necessary to justify its selection. 

The personal element in this early exploration requires a 
somewhat detailed treatment. To say that Jefferson's name is 
indissolubly linked with the Louisiana Purchase is bnt to repeat a 
historical truism. His connection with the famous Lewis and 
Clark expedition is almost equally well known; although the com- 
paratively slight connection in the beginning between this expe- 
dition and the Purchase is but just beginning to be poularly un- 
derstood. Jefferson's connection with Pike's exploits, though 

13 



remote, has at least been pointed out b\- interested students. Very 
few, even the latter, know of his intimate connection with the 
t-xplorations of Hunter and Dunbar, of Sibley, and of Freeman, 
on the Washita and Red Rivers; or of the importance in the 
President's mind of the work of these men, and of the part their 
efforts were to play in his far reaching but never realized plan of 
exploration. 

If it is not necessary to give here a detailed summary of Jef- 
ferson's connection with Louisiana exploration, it is needful to 
differentiate the work of the men who, in a partial degree at least, 
performed this task. Meriwether Lewis and William Clark were 
engaged to explore a route from the Mississippi to the Pacific 
coast. All plans were formed and instructions given before the 
official tidings of the purchase reached Jefferson. Louisiana ex- 
l)loration, as such, formed with them only a secondary task. Dr. 
John Sibley, of North Carolina, migrated to Louisiana early in 
1803, ^nci while the country was still a Spanish possession, made 
a personal investigation of the Red River as far as the vicinity of 
Natchitoches, for the purpose of selecting a suitable spot to locate 
as a ranchman. After the transfer he received an appointment 
as Surgeon's mate in the army, and later as Indian agent ; and as 
public official, turned into government channels the information 
he had gained for private ends. 

William Dunbar, George Hunter, and Thomas Freeman par- 
ticipated in Jefferson's special plan for the exploration of 
Louisiana — a plan directly conceived by the President and urged 
by him and his supporters for the express purpose of learning 
about our new territorial acquisition. Although this plan was 
apparently the least successful of all in point of view of actual 
achievement, yet this is not to be regarded as a reflection upon the 
originator or his agents. Finally, there are the two expeditions 
of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, a young lieutenant acting as the 
agent of the notorious James Wilkinson. The latter as com- 
mander in chief of the American army was immediately respon- 
sible for Pike's work ; but in important details it was in accord 
with Jefferson's general scheme, and the latter virtually assumed 
the position as sponsor for it. 

Among the important explorers of this period, then, there will 
be found but three who were directly authorized by the President 

14 



for the express purpose of exploring Louisiana, and these three 
are by no means the leading members of the group. Neverthe- 
less, the efforts of all contributed to the same end, and the aggre- 
gate of information acquired was considerable, and at the time, 
of the utmost importance. It is interesting to see how these expe- 
<litions. differing so greatly in plan and in personnel, were all used 
by Jefferson to serve his particular purpose. It is this genius for 
the utilization of the efforts of divers men and of differing oc- 
casions, for the gathering of scientific grapes from the thorns of 
apparently fruitless explorations, that constituted the great serv- 
ice of the President, and made both the conception of the plan 
and its inadequate but well-advertised realization his peculiar 
work. 

Furthermore, each man who was engaged in this task of 
frontier exploration knew that while actually working in his par- 
ticular field the President had an intense personal interest in him, 
and would read with avidity each scrap of information that he 
furnished. This interest, which never flagged until the published 
results were given to the world, identified the President with the 
individual explorer, and in a double measure with the sum total 
of the exporation for the period. 

It was but natural that work undertaken under such varying 
auspices should fail to produce the thorough results at first ex- 
pected. Nevertheless, in addition to the geographical and kin- 
dred knowledge acquired, in addition to the impression — all too 
uncertain — -made upon the Indians visited, these various expedi- 
tions pointed out the three main currents of American migration to 
the westward. Lewis and Clark may be regarded as the originators 
of the Missouri-Columbia trail which afterward became the more 
important Missouri-CaHfornia pathway. Pike emphasized, al- 
though he did not point out, the Santa Fe trail — the second im- 
portant highway to the far .Southwest. The others participated 
in the opening flow of that human torrent which was later to 
sv.cep over Texas: whose first tiny filibustering rivulets were to 
be dissipated in inhospitable deserts, but whose later currents 
were to swell to a flood sweeping the whole Southwest irresistibly 
towards annexation. It was something to have defined these 
three great currents of western migration, and this was one im- 
portant accomplishment of early Louisiana exploration. 

15 



CHAPTER IT. 

PREPARING TO EXPLORE THE MISSOURI. 

Although intimately associated with the Louisiana Purchase, 
the famous Lewis and Clark Expedition owed its existence to 
motives of a far different source. Its inception was due to Jef- 
ferson's zeal in the pursuit of scientific studies, and its realization 
to an important change in the Indian trading policy of the na- 
tional government. Thus science and commerce, philosophical 
speculation and practical business joined hands in promoting this, 
the most important and most successful exploration in our coun- 
try's history. 

Jefferson early became interested in the exploration of the 
northwest coast of America. On December 4, 1783, he wrote to 
George Rogers Clark. ^ suggesting the overland route from the 
Mississippi to the Pacific as a field for his ambition, with a view 
to forestall possible British rivalry. Three years later, while 
Minister to France, he impressed upon John Ledyard- the possi- 
bility of opening communication with the Missouri from the 
Pacific, and that adventurous Connecticut traveler almost spanned 
the eastern continent before Catharine II. igominiously forced him 
him to retrace his steps from Kamtchatka. As a member of 
Washington's cabinet. Jefferson was the official supporter, in be- 
half of the American Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, of 
Andre Michaux's scheme to visit the Missouri and the Oregon 
(Columbia), and issued instructions to the French botanist-'' that 
greatly resemble those given ten years later to Lewis. Michaux. 
however, was turned from his purpose to assist in the intrigues 
of Genet for the invasion of the Spanish colonies : and with the 
recall of that French Minister passed to other fields of exploration. 

For a decade Jefferson allowed his scheme to slumber, but did 
not forget it. At last the opportunity came to voice his interest 



1. Thwaites, Rocky Mountain Exploration, 68. 

2. Ford, JVritins^s of Jefferson. I, 94-96. 

3. Ford, VI, 158-161. 



16 



in the great northwest, in the confidential message of January i8, 
1803.^ The immediate occasion for the expression of his views 
was the act to continue government trading houses among the 
Indians. Because of its poHcy in furnishing goods to the natives 
at actual cost, the government was supposedly a competitor of 
private individuals.^ Jefferson suggested that if Congress voted 
to continue the policy, the attention of these might profitably be 
turned to the Missouri, then monopolized by British traders. He 
diplomatically pointed out that to inaugurate this policy with suc- 
cess, a small force must be sent to make a thorough exploration 
of the country as far as the Pacific, and to form treaties with the 
Indian tribes along the route. I'y utilizing enlisted men an ap- 
propriation of $2,500 would cover the expense of the expedition, 
and the title "An act for the purpose of extending the commerce 
of the United States" would screen its purpose from pul)lic notice. 
The fact that the nation (Spain) claiming the territory would re- 
gard it is a literary pursuit, might save it from her jealousv. even 
if the decadent state of her interests in that quarter did not render 
her opinion a matter of indifference. 

Congress having authorized the expedition agreeably to Jef- 
ferson's wishes, he gratified the boyhood ambition of his private 
secretary, Meriwether Lewis, bv making him its guiding spirit." 
The months that followed were bu.sy ones for the young explorer. 
In ApriF he was at Harper's Ferry. X'irginia, to superintend the 
construction of a special iron frame boat and the manufacture of 
arms for his party; later he went to Lancaster, Pennsylvania, and 
received from Andrew Ellicott. the surveyor of the southern boun- 
dary of the ITnited States, special instruction in the handling of 
astronomical instruments. At the same time he took steps to 
gather recruits from the various western posts, and to engage a 
guide in Cincinnati. May and June he pas.sed in Philadelphia, in 



4. Ford, VII, 192-202. 

5. In reality, because of its necessary "cash" policy, the i^foveni- 
ment was almost a neglig'ible factor in the Indian trade. 

6. Lewis at the a.ge of 19 had asked for the position planned for 
Michaux. 

7. For the movements of Lewis until he reached camp at Wood 
River, cf. Coues, History of the Lewis and Clarh: Expedition 1, XXII- 
XXV, Note 7. K\%o Jefferson Papers, Series 1, Vol. 10; Series 2, Vol. .SI. 

17 



consultation with the eminent physicians, Rush, Barton and 
Wister (to whom he showed the first draft of his instructions 
regarding the scientific details of his work), and in collecting maps 
and other geographical data. The industry and foresight that 
Lewis displayed in his preparations, and the success that crowned 
his undertaking, afford abundant justification for the confidence 
the President reposed in him and for the eulogium he subsequently 
wrote.^ 

It will be observed that JefTerson proposed this exploration in 
a message penned before Monroe set sail for Europe to assist Liv- 
ingston and Pinckney in obtaining the Floridas and the Island of 
New Orleans — not the whole of Louisiana. Such an extensive 
purchase was far from the President's view, although Livingston 
at Paris, at this verv time, was suggestmg to Talleyrand^ that 
France should cede to the United States all that country above the 
Arkansas River, as a barrier betnween Louisiana and Canada. 
The first draft of the instructions to Lewis was composed in April 
when Monroe had barely reached Paris ; and the final copy was 
signed and delivered to the explorer on June 20, before authentic 
news of trie transfer arrived. Thus in motive and essential prep- 
aration the expedition had nothing whatever to do with the 
Louisiana Purchase. 

An expedition so conceived must be managed with considerable 
secrecy and deception. Not only did the act conveying the appro- 
priation bear a misleading title, in order to avoid public attention 
(and the "public" referred to the American people as well as to 
British fur traders) : bnt the prejudices of the Spaniards, the 
actual possessors of the territory — so far as it was then occupied — 
were to be met by assurances of the purely "literary" character of 
the expedition. This "literary" subterfuge apparently satisfied the 
representative of Great Britain, whose traders were in a position 
to oppose most successfully the progress of the party up the Mis- 
souri, and of Napoleon, then the legal owner of the territory ; but 
it signally failed to quiet the jealous fears of Casa Yrujo, the 
Spanish Minister at Washington, of Casa Calvo, the boundary 



8. Coues, Lewis and Clark, I, XXI and XXII. 

9. I^iving-ston to Talleyrand, Jan. 10, 1803, American State Papers, 
For. ReL, 11,531. 

18 



commissioner at New Orleans, of Salcedo, the Captain-General 
of the Internal Provinces, or of the Madrid Government itself.^*^ 
Lewis bore passpprts from the British and French ministers, but 
none from the Spanish. It is true this only forced him to pass 
the winter of 1803-04 upon soil already in our possession, but it 
boded ill for any other American expedition that should come 
within striking- distance of the tottering but resolute Spanish 
colonial DOwer. 

Lewis parted from Jefferson at Washing-ton on July 5th, just 
after the news of the transfer of Louisiana arrived. This per- 
mitted him to throw off the cloak of deception under which the 
real purpose of the expedition had been concealed,'^ and to hope 
for assistance from our new :itizens in Louisiana. He now could 
increase his force above the ten or twelve men first suggested, and 
could enter openly into trade relations with the Indians ; for in the 
language of the President, "their late fathers, the Spaniards," had 
"agreed to withdraw all their troops from all the waters in the 
country of the Mississippi and Missouri and to surrender all sub- 
jects, posts and lands." He added that "henceforward we become 
their fathers and friends, and that we shall endeavor that they 
shall have no cause to lament the change. "^- 

From Washingon Lewis forwarded to his friend, William 
Clark, the frank offer to share with him the hardships and honors 
of his journey. With a sense of added importance and responsi- 
bility resting upon him as the first official explorer of the new 
national domain, he passed rapidly over the mountains to Pitts- 
burg, where until the last of August, he alternately persuaded and 
threatened the drunken and inefficient workmen who delayed the 
completion of his boat. Evidently disappointed in not receiving 
Clark's reply here, on the 26th of July, he wrote Jefferson recom- 



10. See pagre 23. 

11. Lewis had written of the real object of the expedition under 
the injunction of secrecy, to a certain John Conner (or Connor) of Cin- 
cinnati, who was eng-ag-ed as a guide, but whose eng-ag-ement was after- 
ward cancelled. Under Jeflferson's advice he g-enerally gave out the 
idea that he was to explore the upper Mississippi. Wheeler, The Trail 
of Lewis and Clark, I, 32; Jefferson Papers, Ser. 2, Vol. 51, Nos. 97, 104. 

12. Jefferson to Lewis, Jan. 22, 1804, quoted in Wheeler, The Trail 
of Lewis and Clark, I, 43, 44. 

19 



mending" his friend, Lieutenant Hooke, then stationed at Pitts- 
burg, as his colleague, in case Clark should decline.^'' Finally, at 
seven o'clock on the morning of August 31st, the boat was ready, 
and by ten the impatient young officer was off, despite advice not 
to attempt navigation while the river was so low. Before reach- 
ing Marietta. September 13th, he was occasionally forced to use 
horses or oxen to drag his boat over the shoals, and found them 
■'the most efficient sailors in the present state of the navigation of 
the river." From Cincinnati, on October 3rd, he communicated 
the pleasing news that Clark had accepted his offer, although his 
interpreter, Conner^ had declined. 

While at Cincinnati Lewis was evidently troubled by the fact 
that Congress was about to assemble in special session, and that 
he had nothing tangible to .show for his busy months of effort. 
Accordingly he asked Jefferson to authorize him to make a rapid 
side trip up some river, perhaps the Kansas, and to send Captain 
Clark elsewhere on a similar excursion. The suggestion reminds 
one of Dunbar's later proposal, under very similar circumstances.^"* 
Jefferson, however, was not minded to risk the failure of his long 
cherished plan bv any side issue, and wrote in reply^'^ that the 
single object of Lewis's mission — to find the direct pathway to the 
Pacific — was "of major importance, and therefore not to be de- 
layed or hazarded by any episodes whatever." 

At Louisville Lewis was joined by Clark. The only task now 
to delay the leaders was the selection of recruits from the volun- 
teers who presented themselves. Such w'as the high standard 
insisted upon that this was by no means a speedy task. Finally 
fourteen soldiers were chosen from the garrisons of Southwest 
Point, Massac and Kaskaskia, and nine Kentuckians were en- 
rolled as privates and added to the party. By this time the tenth 
of December had arrived, and the whole force, including Clark's 
negro servant, went into winter quarters at the mouth of the Du 
Bbis River, opposite St. Louis. Although Louisiana now be- 
longed to the United States, the Spanish military officer at that 
post had not received official notice of the fact, and refused to 



13. Coues, Lewis and Clark, I, L,XX, Note 5. 

14. See page 55. 

15. Nov. 16, 1803. See pa.^-e 40. 



20 



permit the expedition to enter the territory. Had the explorers 
been able to follow the original plan to encamp at La Charette, the 
highest white settlement on the Missouri, they would have been 
but a few miles farther along on their journey ; while by remaining 
near an army post they could obtain government rations and need 
not intrench upon their modest approapriation. On the whole, it 
was well that Lewis did not reach the mouth of the Missouri by 
August 1st, as he at first expected. 

The work before the young officers, as outlined in Jefferson's 
instructions^^ may be summarized as follows . First, they were 
to determme the most feasible route, from the Mississinni to the 
Pacific, by way of the Missouri and some "interlocking" western 
stream. Their second task, and one of scarcely less importance, 
was to make and record accurate observations concerning the 
various Indian tribes along the route, with a view to open up 
future commercial relations. According to the original plan, this 
subject of commerce was to be introduced in a sort of clandestine 
manner, so as to avoid open opposition from possible rivals ; but 
following later instructions ^^ they were to require from alien and 
Indian alike the respect which was due to owners of the soil, and 
m return to promise friendship and protection. Third, the travel- 
lers must take careful observations of the soil, animal life, natural 
products, and climate of the regions traversed. Fourth, as a sort 
of indefinite politico-geographical assignment, they were to obtain 
such knowledge as was possible concerning the Rio Grande and 
the Colorado, with the distances from the sources of those streams 
to that of the Missouri : the source of the Mississippi and its posi- 
tion relative to the Lake of the Woods; the path by which the 
British traders passed from the mouth of the Wisconsin to the 
Mis.souri ; and the possibility of deflecting the fur trade from 
Nootka Sound to the head waters of the Missouri. This informa- 
tion would assist the government authorities in determining the 
limits of their new possession and its relation to contiguous 
territory. 

After the main instructions liad been delivered, Jefferson gave 

16. Ford, IVriiings of Jefferson, VIII, 1% ff.; Coues, I.civis and 
Clark, I, XXIV-XXXIII. 

17. Jefferson to I^ewis, Jan. 24. 1804, quoted in Wheeler, The Trail 
of Leivis and Clark, I. 43, 44. 

21 



Lewis a most effectiv, Fourth-of-Julv token in the form of a com- 
prehensive letter of credit, to be used in obtaining subsistence for 
the party in case it should be desirable and possible to return by 
sea.-^** As long as the members of the party remained within the 
reach of the mails these instructions were supplemented by other 
suggestions as they occurred to the President, or were made 
necessary by new developments. In this connection it may be 
well to state that one writer hazards the conjecture^^ that Jefferson 
designed this expedition to strengthen our claims to Oregon terri- 
tory. These claims were based upon the discovery of Gray, and 
it was advisable to learn more of the real character of the region 
in order to provide for future diplomatic complications. The 
acquisition of Louisiana not merelv lessened the apprehension felt 
by the principals because of possible interruptions from other 
powers, but as Jefiferson recorded,^^ "increased infinitely the inter- 
est we feel in the expedition." By the middle of November 
Jefiferson spoke of this interest as general. When, in the follow- 
ing January, he forwarded to Lewis a map of the Missouri as far 
as the Mandans, prepared by a certain Welshman named Evans, 
he added .^^ "The acquisition of the country through which you 
are to pass has inspired the country generally with a great deal of 
interest m your enterprise. The inquiries are perpetual as to your 
progress. The Feds, alone still treat it as a philosophism, and 
would rejoice at its failure. Their bitterness increases with the 
diminution of their numbers and despair of a resurrection. I hope 
you will take care of yourself and be the living witness of their 
folly." Thus the objects of an almost paternal concern to Jefifer- 
son had become figures of interest to the whole countr}^, now that 
their mission had assumed the proportions of our "national epic 
of exploration.'' 

18. Wheeler, The Trail of Lewis and Clark, I, 41, has a facsimile of 
this letter. Coues, Leivis and Clark, II, 720, 721, thinks that Jefferson 
should have sent a ship to meet the explorers on the Pacific coast, if he 
really expected this letter to be effective, but that he was fearful of 
arousing- Spanish prejudices by so doing. 

19. Wheeler, Ibid, 47. 

20. Coues, Lewis and Clark, I, XXXIV. 

21. Cones, Ibid, XXIII, note. Jefferson Papers, Ser. 1, Vol. 10, No. 
1. Evans was permitted by the Spanish government to explore the 
Missouri for traces of certain " white" Indians supposed to be of Welsh 
descent. 

22 



Despite the President's confidence in his "Hterary" subter- 
fuge^- no passport for Lewis was forthcoming from Casa Yrujo. 
tne Spanish minister. On the contrary, that diplomat and Casa 
Calvo, the boundary commissioner at New Orleans, immediately 
advised their home government to take measures to detain the 
Missouri expedition under "Captain Lewis Merry Whether."^^ 
Upon receiving these communications Cevallos, the Spanish Secre- 
tary of Foreign Affairs, brought the matter before the Junta of 
Fortifications and Defense of the Indies. The report of that body 
stated the claim of Spain to both banks of the Missouri and em- 
powered Cevallos to instruct Casa Yrujo to protest against the 
expedition as an invasion of Spanish territory. Casa Yrujo 
had already represented the expedition as a violation of the status 
quo in the disputed territory, and reported the fact to Captain- 
General Salcedo, at Chihuahua.^* When the Mandan letter of 
Lewis, together with the accompanying specimens, became known 
to Casa Calvo at New Orleans, he insisted still more strongly that 
the expedition should be stopped immediately; but as time wore 
on and the pros]iect of successful opposition seemed less likely, he 
used this fact to justify the passport issued for Dunbar's expe- 
dition.^^ 

Don Nimecio Salcedo, the Captain-General of the Internal 
Provinces, needed little urging to take additional precaution 
against an expedition whose results he already foresaw. On 
October 2d, 1805, he wrote Iturrigaray,^" the Viceroy of New 
Spain, that the Americans were leaving nothing undone to gain 
the friendship of the Indians, and added : 

"I have notice of an American expedition under command of Cap- 
tain Merri (sic) provisioned and maintained for three years, that is 
directed itp the Missouri upon the pretext of discovering its source, but 
with the additional object of giving" gifts to the Indians." 

22. See page 17. 

23. Casa Calvo to Cevallos, July 18, 1805. A/SS., Ne7V Mexico 
Archives, Library of Congress. 

24. Resolutions of Junta, Madrid, March 17, 1804 (1805), New 
Mexico Archives; Salcedo to Governor of New Mexico, June 11, 1806, 
Ibid; Casa Yrujo to Madison, March 12, 1805, MSS. Spanish Notes I. 
Bureau of Indexes and Archives, Department of State. 

25. New Mexico Archives, July 18, 1805. Cf. also Annals Con- 
,irress, 2, 1078 flf. 

26. Salcedo to Iturrigaray, Oct. 2, 1805. MSS. Bexar Archives^ 
see page 7. 



A few days later, in writing of Dunbar's proposed expedition, 
he stated to Casa Calvo^^ that this, in connection with the expedi- 
tion of "Mr. Merrj," would serve to familiarize the people of the 
United States with the Indians. This fear formed the theme of 
his later correspondence with the Viceroy, and becoming more 
impressed with the danger, he issued orders, February ii, 1806, 
to the Governor of New Mexico^** to stop the Missouri expedition 
if it had advanced within the Spanish territory. It was a long- 
reach from New Mexico to the upper waters of the Missouri, and 
Lewis and Clark never knew what suggestions were being made 
to thwart their undertaking; but that these utterances of the 
Captain-General were not pure bombast is shown by the measures 
th.at he took to win the Missouri Indians to Spanish allegiance.^^ 



27. Bexar Archives, Oct. 8, 1805. 

28. Neiv Mexico Archives. 

29. See Chapter VII. 



24 



CHAPTER III. 

LEWIS AND CLARK ON THE MISSOURI. 

Meanwhile, despite good and evil reports, the members of the 
expedition left their camp at the mouth of the Du Bois River, May 
14, 1804, and passed up the Missouri, wintering at the Mandan 
villages near Bismark, North Dakota. Crossing the mountains 
and descending the Columbia, the party passed the second winter 
on the Pacific coast. Retracing their steps the following spring 
and summer, they reached St. Louis September 23, 1806. The 
details of their daily life, of the unusual harmony between the 
commanding officers, of the sympathy between the men and 
leaders, of the divers kinds of life experienced, and of the remark- 
able success that attended the whole undertaking have already 
been too well described to need repetition. It is the province of 
this study merely to emphasize certain political and geographical 
features of their journey from the Mississippi to the Great Conti- 
nental Divide which separates the Louisiana of their day from the 
Oregon of the morrow. 

Up to and even above their first wintering place among the 
Mandans they everywhere encountered traces of recent and of 
remote French occupation. The name of the last civilized settle- 
ment. La Charette,* recalled a former regrime, even while one of 
its occupants, Daniel Boone, bespoke an American pioneer move- 
ment that had outstripped national possession. Near the middle 
of June they passed the site of old Ft. Orleans, above the mouth of 
Wakenda Creek, in the present state of Missouri, and early in the 
following month a second fort, vestiges of which still remained, 
near the present site of Ft. Leavenworth.- Trading posts, still in 



1. Thwaites, Original Journals of the I.civis and Clark Expcililion, 
I. 29. 

2. Thwaites, Original Journal Le\sis and Clark, I, 49, 65. The first 
of these was near the Osage and Missouri Indians and the second near 
the Kansas. The second was an important center for furs in 1757 and 
some islands near were utilized for live stock. 

25 



use or recently abandoned, were more numerous. On the Nesh- 
nabotna a St. Louis merchant, two years before, had a small fac- 
tory where he carried on an extensive trade with the Ottoes and 
Pawnees, and below tliis a few French families had formerly made 
a temporary settlement. Fartlier on, just above the Nebraska 
line, was a post where one of the party (Cruzatte) had spent two 
years in trade with the Mahas (Omahas). On August 13, near 
the Omahas. they found the place where, in 1795-96, James 
Mackay established the trading post to which he gave the name 
Ft. Charles.-* A much more pretentious establishment was the 
combined fort and trading house on Cedar Island, where, during 
the preceding winter, a certain Loisel (Louiselle) had carried on 
a trade with the Sioux.'* In the present Stanley County, Nortli 
Dakota, they passed the small factory of a certain Jean Vallee.'' 
These various establishments clearly shov/ed that the French had 
laid a thorough foundation for the Missouri fur trade, upon which 
either an American or British superstructure must be erected. 

Aside from these more or less permanent buildings other evi- 
dence pointed to a considerable amount of irregular trading and 
prospecting upon both sides of the Missouri. As early as June 12. 
they met men with loaded rafts returning from the Sioux, and hired 
one of them, Durion, a man who had lived among those Indians 
for twenty years, to accompany them as an emissary.*' Two days 
later they met a raft returning from a trading expedition among 
the Pawnees, and tried without success to hire another man for 
a similar purpose. On July 9 they passed the place where their 
bowman, with several Frenchmen, had encamped two years before. 
On reaching the Platte, they learned that another of their party 
had wintered up that river. Mackay's presence has already been 
mentioned. The trader, Vallee. had spent the preceding winter 
up the Cheyenne, amidst the Black Hills. Their interpreter, 
Dorion, could give them a fair description of the Yankton. Their 
engage secured at the Mandans, Chaboneau, had encamped with a 
party of natives several days' journey above those Indians; and 

3. Ibid, I, 65, 72, 78, 99, 109. 

4. Ibid, I, 160. The island is below White River in Presho Co., S. D. 

5. Ibid, I, 175, 176. 

6. Coiie-s, Lezvis and Clark. I. 21. 



26 



one of the party, La Page, with a single companion, had been a 
few miles farther along the river. Four days before reaching that 
spot they had overtaken a parly of three Frenchmen bound for the 
Yellowstone. The name "Roche Jaune," Lewis and Clark readily 
adopted and translated into the English "Yellowstone," thus 
unconsciously following David Thompson, who had used this 
name in 1798.'^ This name seems to imply that the French were 
familiar even with the upper courses of this river; for there is 
reason to believe that the term is French rather than Indian in its 
origin.^ These instances would seem to show that the upper 
waters of the Missouri and its most important tributaries were 
already familiar to a few choice but unlettered spirits, who had 
braved its dangers for one of its most characteristic products. In 
this sense the Lewis and Clark Expedition, at least within the con- 
fines .of Louisiana, was not an original exploration. 

One of the most important tasks of the young officers was the 
acquisition of geographical knowledge — not merely as a result of 
their own personal observation, but also by questioning the traders, 
hunters, Indians — in short, by insistently interviewing all who 
would be likely to add to their scant store of knowledge. As 
already shown in their instructions, they were not to restrict them- 
selves to what Jefferson later regarded as the undoubted limits of 
Louisiana,^ but also to extend their inquiries to include the Colo- 
rado and Rio Grande rivers. We have already seen the efforts of 
Lewis, aided by Jefferson, to obtain all available data, in the shape 
of maps, traders' journals and printed works of travel, and the 
record of the expedition bears witness to the continuance of this 
same policy. 

On reaching the mouth of the Osage River the travelers 
devoted their descriptions largely to the Indians of that name, 
residing upon its banks and upon the Arkansas. In speaking of 
the Kansas Lewis ventured the assertion that although its course 
was not well "ascertained," it "heads with the Del Noird in the 
Black Mountain, or ridge, which divides the waters of the Kansas, 



7. Thwaites, Original Journal /wwis avcl Clark. I, 48, 72, 86, 175. 
.^07, 339. 

8. Dellenbaug-h, The Dreakins; of the Wilderness, \M. 

9. For Jefferson's opinion of the limits see F*ord, IVrifln^s of Jef- 
Jcrson, VIII. 249. 261. 

27 



Del Noird and Callardo." One of their boatmen had passed a 
winter on the Platte, and gave them considerable information of 
the river and some of its tributaries. The halt at the mouth of 
the river afforded them an opportunity to give a description of the 
Ottoes, Pawnees. Kiow^as and other tribes in the vicinity. Their 
Sioux interpreter. Durion. told them the principal points of 
information concerning the Little Sioux and its relation to the 
Des Moines, near which it rose. When later in the same month 
they passed the mouth of the Big Sioux, Durion supplied them 
with similar information concerning that river and its relation 
to the St. Peters (Minnesota). In passing the mouth of the 
Yankton they described it briefly from the information furnished 
by a certain Mr. Gravelines, and spoke of its peculiar position in 
connection with the St. Peters and the Red River of the North. 
The trader, Yallee, gave them information of the Chey- 
enne, and informed them that the Indians along the upper courses 
of that river were accustomed to steal horses from the Spaniards, 
who lived a month's journey away.^^ 

During their winter at the Mandan villages they took occasion 
to interview the native French voyageurs and British fur traders 
concerning the surrounding country. The French could tell them 
of the region as far as the Yellowstone, and the Indians supple- 
mented this information with regard to the upper courses of the 
river and the m(,untains in which it rose. The British traders, with 
whom their relations were for the most part very friendly, told 
them of the country occupied by their posts on the Assiniboin and 
of the region between the Missouri and the upper Mississippi. 
One of the British traders recorded the fact that the Americans 
found all the observations of their explorer, Thompson, inaccurate. 
He further gave the interesting boundary claim made by the 
Americans of a line due west from the Lake of the Woods till it 
struck the River Qui Appelle (Marias, or Milk River?), a tribu- 
tary of the Missouri, and thence to the Pacific. They claimed that 
a due west line would not strike the the Mississippi, and accord- 
ingly this should be drawn to reach one of its tributaries,^^ in this 
case a tributary of the Missouri. 



10. Thwaites, Oris:- Jour., Lewis atid Clark, I, 37, 60, 86, 103, 115, 
175, 176. 

11. Thwaites, Orig. Jour., Lewis and Clark, I, 238, 246, note. 

28 



Above the Mandans this secondary information became more 
scant, and Hkewise of less importance. Several of the northern 
tributaries they erroneously supposed to rise above the forty-ninth 
l)arallel, in the vicinity of the Saskatchewan. The statement is 
usually made that they first gave the Yellowstone its English 
name, but this honor, it seems, belongs properly to David Thomp- 
son. They recorded their belief that this river rose near the 
Missouri. Platte, and in all probability some branch of the 
Columbia. They spoke of some of its tributaries, and recom- 
mended the establishment of a post at its mouth. On June 3 they 
reached the mouth of Marias River. Lewis believed that this 
river, named for his cousin, was destined to become an object of 
contention in the adjustment of the northwestern boundary, 
because ii. flowed through a fertile country and one in which Great 
Britain enjoyed a monopoly of the fur trade. This river bore 
more than a sentimental and political interest to the members of 
the party, for they spent several days in exploring the vicinitv, to 
determine whether it were the main fork of the Missouri. Fortu- 
nately for the success of the expedition, the leaders came to a 
decision that it was not.'^ 

The explorers, from the report of former travelers and of their 
hunter, Le Page, recorded their impressions of the Black Hills, 
which they regarded as forming a ridge from, the source of the 
Arkansas to the Saskatchewan. Lewis criticized the map of 
Airowsmith, which represented the Missouri as entering the 
Rockies south of the forty-fifth parallel. In the vicinity of the 
falls of the Missouri they were detained several days in the con- 
struction of boats, and accordingly prepared a fairly elaborate 
description of this natural curiosity. Passing up the principal of 
the three forks of the Missouri, they soon reached the head of 
navigation. Crossing the great divide, Lewis, among the 
Shoshones, discovered horses bearing Spanish brands, thus reveal- 
ing communication with the people from the far south. Upon the 
Lemhi River, Lewis, in addition, received information from the 
Shoshones that certain of the southern branches of the Columbia 
headed with the River. of the Apostles and the Colorado, and thus 



12. Thwaites, 6>/7>-. Jour., Lewis and Clark, I, 328, 329, 339, 363; 
II, 81, 113. 

* 29 



afforded a way of communication to the Vermilion Sea (Gulf of 
California) ; but this was regarded as too far south for their pur- 
pose. The Indians also said that they could pass in ten days, by 
way of the Yellowstone, to the Spaniards, with whom the natives 
did not seem to be on good terms, because those people would not 
furnish them with fire-arms. ^^ 

Beyond the mountains, however, there is little in their discov- 
eries of direct concern, aside from their unfortunate theory regard- 
ing the sou.rce of the Multonomah (the lower Willamette). They 
believed this to rise somewhere near the headwaters of the Rio 
Grande and Missouri, and decades passed before this idea was 
dissipated.^"* Upon their return from the Pacific the expedition 
temporarily divided to permit Lewis to examine Marias River and 
Clark to traverse part of the Yellowstone, and thus thev obtained 
some additional information concerning these rivers, although not 
so complete as they desired. 

In the accomplishment of their second important task — the 
opening of relations with the Indian tribes along their route — Lewis 
and Clark may be regarded as reasonably successful, especially in 
view of tlieir relatively small equipment, which was little likely to 
command the respect of savage minds. On August 3 they held 
their first conference at the mouth of the Platte with some reore- 
sentatives of -the Ottoes and Missouris. These received in a 
becoming manner the speech of the youthful leaders, announcing 
the change in government, accepted gratefully the trifling presents 
given, requested traders to be sent to them, and asked for media- 
tion between themselves and the A-Iahas. From this incident the 
spot took the name of Council Bluff.^'' During the last days of 
the month, through the efforts of their interpreter, Durion, thev 
held important conferences with the Yankton Sioux. Late in 

13. Thwaites, Orig. Jour., Lezvis and Clark, II, 67, 132, 147-226. One 
is tempted to speculate on the way history niig-ht have been chang-ed 
had T^ewis attempted this southern route. 

14. Coues, Lcrvis and Clark, III, 976; Thwaites, Orig. Joiir., IV, 233, 
239, 240, 308, 339; V, 320; Gass, A Journal of the Voyages and Travels of 
a Corps of Discovery, 194. This idea was not dissipated till the publi- 
cation of Gallatin's Synopsis of the Indian Tribes of North America, in 
1836. See Chittenden, The History of the American Fur Trade, I, 307. 

15. Coues, Lewis and Clark, I, 64; Wheeler, Trail of Leivis and Clark, 
I, 156-158. This was not the site of the present city. 

30 



September they had a conference with the Teton Sioux, the 
"pirates of the river," and came very near a hostile clash, before 
they were permitted to proceed. Upon the Arikara Indians the 
notables of the party, especially Clark's servant, York, made a 
very favorable impression, which led one of their chiefs to visit 
Washington the following year. Their winter-long sojourn 
among the Mandans gave them an opportunity to make a lasting 
impression, despite the clearly-felt but unexpressed hostility of 
British fur traders. ^^ From Ft. Mandan as a center both 
explorers, but chiefly Lewis, despite the almost insuperable diffi- 
culties of interpretation, made use of the winter months to extend 
diplomatic relations among the Indians whom they visited or who 
visited them. Although uniformly successful in making a strong 
impression upon those who met them, and in some cases securing 
an influence as arbiters in intertribal disputes, an English trader, 
Henry, later reported that some of the neighboring Indians were 
disgusted at the high-sounding and patronizing language used by 
the American captains in their "big talks. "''^ 

From the Mandan villages to the Rockies they encountered no 
Indians, except the Minnatarees, already met, and beyond the 
mountains the fortunate relationship of Sacajawea, the "Bird 
Woman," to the Shoshone chief, enabled them successfully to 
accomplish their journey to the Pacific. ^^ 

Upon their return, Lewis, along Marias River, had that unfor- 
tunate encounter with the Blackfeet, when occurred the only 
shedding of blood by the members of the party. On this occasion 
the Indians were clearly the aggressors, and retreated as rapidly 
as did Lewis and the small band with him, and their tribe treasured 
up little resentment against the Americans, imtil the latter allied 
themselves with their enemies, the Crows. Upon their return to 
the Mandan villages, Lewis and Clark found the Mandans and the 
Sioux again at war, and with the utmost difficulty persuaded one 



16. Thwaites, Ori,!r.JoJir., Lcivis and Clark, I, 129-31, 164 flf, 183, 184, 
288 flF. The explorers had previously g-iven them a corn mill which the 
natives received with pleasure, but afterwards demolished to barb their 
arrows. Thwaites, I, 211; Cones, Jouvti als of Alexander Henty, I, 329. 

17. Thwaites, Ori^. Jour., Lewis and Clark, II, 213, 223, 229; Coues, 
Leivisand Clark, III, 1192; Coues, The Journals of Alexander Henry ,\,Z^^. 

18. Thwaites, Orig. Jour., II, 350-362. 

31 



of the chiefs, Big White, with his family, to accompany them on a 
visit to Washington. Although this was in keeping with Jeffer- 
son's instructions, the chief became an elephant on the hands of 
the government officials, before they succeeded in returning him 
to his home through the hostile Sioux and the Arikaras.^^ 

When the American party reached the Mandans they found 
there an Irish free-lance trader, then in the employ of the North- 
West Company, and by him sent a letter, dated October 31, 1804,^" 
to Charles Chabouillez, the company's factor upon the Assiniboin 
River. This letter mentioned the desire of the American officers 
to live upon terms of amity with all traders, and enclosing a copy 
of the passport from the British minister, diplomatically extended 
their protection to all well-disposed individuals. They also 
requested a mutual exchange of geographical information. Late 
in November tlie Indians told them that a party of seven traders 
had lately arrived at the villages, and that one of their interpreters. 
La France, spoke slightingly of the Americans. Lewis and Clark 
i'.rimediately informed the Indians that they could no longer 
receive such "simbles" as medals and flags from others than 
Americans, without displeasing their new father at Washington ; 
and later when the leaders of the party, Larocque and McKenzie. 
called upon the American officers, the latter complained of the 
conduct of the British interpreter and spoke of the unfavorable 
lesults which might follow, if such actions did not cease. 
Larocque, who had neither medals nor flags, readily heeded these 
w^arnings, and declared that his party had no intention of tamper- 
ing with the natives. One other incident of like nature was later 
reported of a Hudson's Bay Company agent, located at a post 
some ninety miles away.^^ 

In general, the decisive stand taken by the young explorers 
seems to have aroused the respect of the British traders. The 
above party remained in the vicinity for several weeks, and their 
relations with the Americans became so cordial that Larocque 
finally prr.posed to acconi[)any them when they moved westward. 



19. Coues,Z.^Z£^/5awrfC/a;-/(-, 111,1097-1107; 1183-85. Chittenden, Z//^/. 
of American Fur Trade, I, 119, 139, 714. Thwaites, Oric four., V, 205 
ff., Ch. XXXII, />a5.y?;«. 

20. Cones, Leiuis and Clark, I, 187, 88 g-ives the letter in full. 

21. Thwaites, Oj-jg. Jour., Lewis and Clark, I, 227, 228, 248. 

32 



For obvious reasons, the Americans declined this proposal. 
Larocque believed that the Americans had made a good impression 
upon the Mandans and the neighbormg tribes, but McKenzie 
believed the Indians far from truthful, and mentioned that they 
were especially mystified at the attempt of the Americans to record 
their vocabularies. Larocque thought that both Americans were 
pleased to receive their visits, although Clark was more aflfable 
and displayed none of the inveterate prejudice against the British 
which Lewis could not wholly conceal."^ 

On December ist they were visited by a Mr. Henderson, a rep- 
resentative of the Hudson's Bay Company, bound for the Minne- 
tarees. Later in the same month Chabouillez sent by a certain 
Hugh Henney, his reply to Lewis and Clark's communication, 
offering to show the travelers every courtesy in his power. 
Henney gave them much useful geographical information ; but 
Corporal Gass recorded what was doubtless the well-founded 
suspicion of the whole party, that these visits were simply to satisfy 
their curiosity regarding the Americans, and to spy out their deal- 
ings with the Indians.-^ At any rate, the leaders discovered 
toward the close of the winter that some one, possibly of the Hud- 
son's Bay Company, had been tampering with their interpreter, 
Chaboneau, the husband of the "Bird Woman." A little plain- 
speaking and a few days for reflection cured the recalcitrant.^^ 
The Americans also received notice that a certain Murdock 
Cameron, a British trader on the St. Peters (Minnesota) was 
selling liquor to the Indians of that vicinity, stirring up the Sioux 
against the Chippewas, and endeavoring b}- his influence to break 
up the Missouri fur trade, in favor of the establishments on the 
St. Peters.^^ The incident simply illustrates one of the results of 
an unscrupulous trading policy, but unfortunately neither the small 



22. Thwaites, Orig.Jour. Lewis and Clark, 227, 252, 277, note. 

23. Ibid, I, 206, 207. Coues, Lewis and Clark, I, 212, note 37. On his 
return journey Clark tried to enlist Henney's services to induce some of 
the Sioux to visit Washington and even hinted at a possible appoint- 
ment as Indian ag-ent. Thwaites, Oris;. Jour., V, 282-286. 

24. Thwaites, Orig. Jour. Lewis and Clark, I, 271, 275. Wheeler. 
Trail oj Lewis and Clark, I, 256. 

25. Coues, Lewis and Clark, I, 239. Expeditions of Pike, I, 66. 
Thwaites, Orig. Jour., V, 286. 

33 



force with Lewis and Clark, nor any other sent out by the govern- 
ment for many years to come, was able to deal effectually with the 
problem. 

In general, one may say that Lewis and Clark were fairly suc- 
cessful in their double task of inducing the Indians to recognize 
nominally the new sovereignty now placed over them and of lead- 
ing the British representatives of that section to respect this new 
arrangement. Of course^ a mere idle assertion of an authority, 
unsupported by other supplementary steps, would be as vain as 
the previous Spanish expeditions through portions of Louisiana. 
For some years the policy of the United States government in fol- 
lowing up the work of Lewis and Clark was almost as nerveless 
as that of the vice-regal court of New Spain : but, fortunately, our 
government had in its unofficial service a class of citizens that 
New Spain lacked after the age of theConquistadores. The years 
immediately following 1806 belong especially to this class, of 
whom the most typical representatives were found among the 
Missouri fur traders. 

The explorers had met with a few of these on their way up the 
river, but their number seemed more than doubled as they passed 
down. Some distance above the Mandans, they met with two 
Illinois traders bound for the Yellowstone, and their man Colter 
joined them.-*' On September 3, above the Big Sioux River, they 
met with a Mr. James Aird, of a Prairie du Chien trading house, 
who bore a license to trade with the Sioux. Mr. Aird very hand- 
somely told them the latest news and presented them with tobacco 
and flour — both very acceptable gifts.^^ Near the Little Sioux 
they met a boat belonging to Auguste Chouteau, from which they 
obtained another desired article, whiskey — the first since July 4, 
1805. This boat was bound for the Yankton River. Below the 
Nemaha, on September 10, they fell in with two boats, one with 
four men bound for the Pawnee Loups on the Platte, and the other 
with seven men bound for the Mahas. From the latter they first 
learned of Pike's expedition to the southwest.^^ Two days later 

26. Thwaites, Orio. Jour., V, 329, 341, note. 

27. For the meeting' with these and the following trading- parties, 
see Coues, Lewis and Clark, III, 1202-1213; Thwaites, Orig. Jour., V, 
337-395. 

28. See Chapter XII. 

34 



they met with a second boat belonging to Auguste Chouteau, like- 
wise bound for the Platte, and another bound for the Mahas. 
Later the same day they met a Captain Robert McClellan, who 
had with him two interpreters employed by Lewis and Clark ar the 
Mandans. One of these, Gravelines, had been sent the precedi ig 
year to accompany the Arikara chief to Washington. Unfortu- 
nately the chief had died, and now Gravelines, with Captain 
McClellan and Durion, already familiar for his services in 1804 
among the Sioux,^^ was returning to the Arikaras with a s]>eech 
and presents from the President. He was also to attempt to intro- 
duce agriculture among the Sioux and to get some to visit Wash- 
ington. 

Just below the old Kansas villages they met three more trading 
boats bound for the Yanktons and Mahas; and on the [6th of 
September two more bound to the Mahas and Pawnees. The 
second of these parties bore a suspiciously loose license, and Clark 
was for a time inclined to take its members into custody, but finally 
let them go after warning them "not to degrade the American 
character in the eyes of the Indians." Above the Grand River 
they met with Captain John McClellan, of the United States Army, 
who was on the way to open up a new trade with the Indians. He 
planned to establish himself on the Platte, and after entering into 
trading relations with the Ottoes, Pawnees and Comanches. to 
persuade some of the chiefs to accompany him to Santa Fe, where 
he hoped to open up a lucrative trade with the Spaniards. If he 
secured the desired permission to trade, he wished to transport his 
goods from the banks of the Platte to some point in Louisiana con- 
venient for resort for the New Mexican merchants,"*^" and then 
effect the necessary exchange. Even at La Charette they met with 
two of Aird's Canadian employees, who were about to set out for 
the Osages and Ottoes. This continuous procession of traffic met 
by the returning expedition formed, in the words of a recent 
writer,^^ "one of the most deeply significant circumstances in the 
whole narrative." "It showed which way the 'course of empire' 
was already taking — that way which Lewis and Clark had been, 
first of all our countrymen." 



29. See page 26, 28, 30. 

30. McClellan seems to have tried to gain the good will of the Lewis 
and Clark party, for in the language of Gass he "gave all our party as 
much whiskey as they could drink." This plan of McClellan's was sup- 
ported by Wilkinson, for the Captain bore from him an introductory 
speech to the Pawnees and Ottoes. Thwaites, Orig. Jour., V, 387. 

31. Coues, Lewis and Clark, III, 1206, note 8. 

35 



CHAPTER IV. 

JEFFERSON'S PLAN FOR EXPLORING LOUISIANA. 

Early in July, 1803, Jefferson received definite news of the 
Purchase of Louisiana, and immediately began the process of col- 
lecting information relating to this almost unknown territory. As 
the first step, he submitted a list of seventeen questions to Daniel 
Clark, our consul at New Orleans; to William Dunbar, the 
scientist of Mississippi, and to William Charles Coles Claiborne, 
tlie youthful governor of that territory. Of these questions, four 
related to maps of Louisiana, its boundaries, and the distance from 
the mouth of the Mississippi to various points to the westward.* 
The resulting correspondence with the above gentlemen summa- 
rizes in a fairly complete fashion existing public knowledge in the 
southwest concerning Louisiana.- 

Jefferson's query regarding maps of Louisiana failed to elicit 
anything definite. Claiborne, who was a comparative stranger in 
the Southwest, wrote that he believed there were no maps extant 
that could be depended upon. He had been told that there were 
two partial maps of the country prepared by Romans and by 
Gould,^ and that the former was the better. Of this he hoped to 
obtain a copy. He was also informed that Spanish officers had 
taken a number of partial but accurate sketches of the country, but 
their government had prevented the publication of these. When 
the French possessed the territory they undertook a general geo- 
graphical survey, but never completed it. "An ingenious corre- 
spondent" of Claiborne's (Dr. John Sibley) was just completing 



1. Ford, m-itings of Jefferson, VIII, 253, 254. 

2. These letters are in Claiborne's Correspondence (MSS.), Vol. I, 
and Vol. IV, Bureau of Rolls and Library, State Department, rxiA Jeffer- 
son Papers, Sen 2, Vol. 17, No. 38; Vol. 76, No. 5. 

3. Gould, George, A General Description of the Sea Coast, Harbors, 
Lakes, Rivers, etc., of the Province of West Florida, 1776. MSS., 
lyibrary of the American Philosophical Society, Phila. Romans, Ber- 
nard, A Concise Natural History of East and West Florida, etc.. New 
York, 1775. 

36 



an accurate map of the country between the Mississippi and the 
Rio Grande, and he hoped soon to be able to forward this, together 
with a copy of Romans's. 

Clark wrote with much greater definiteness regarding the 
cartography of Louisiana. Fie knew of no exact maps of the 
western part of the province, for such as were extant depended 
upon ideas derived from the period of French occupancy. With 
regard to the portion east of the Mississippi, he referred the Presi- 
dent to Andrew Ellicott, the former surveyor of the Southern 
Boundary, whom Clark had supplied, when in New Orleans, with 
the best manuscript maps. Moreover Ellicott had personally sur- 
veyed portions of the Floridas, and the Mississippi from the mouth 
cf the Ohio. Thomas Hutchins^ had also published a map of the 
same region. One of the best maps of the Gulf coast, although 
on too small a scale, was that of Don Juan de Langara, published 
in 1799.^ None of the published maps gave a correct idea of the 
coast between the Mississippi and the Sabine. Clark referred to 
excellent maps of Mobile and of the Missouri region which he had 
already forwarded to the State Department, and supplemented his 
remarks by a sketch prepared at his request. His report upon the 
point of cartography was so satisfactory that Dunbar forbore to 
do more than add a brief comment. 

The remaining one to direct Jefferson's attention to the lack of 
definite information concerning his new purchase, was an inter- 
esting character, resembling those often forging to the front 
amidst pioneer conditions. Dr. John Sibley ,** a veteran of the 
Revolutionary War, had been forced by domestic difficulties to 
migrate from Massachusetts to Fayetteville, North Carolina. 
Here it was reported that he attempted to remarry — at any rate, it 
became desirable to move again, this time to Louisiana, then under 
Spanish domination. He arrived in the country in March, 1803, 



4. Hutchins, Thomas, Historical, Narrative, and Topographical 
Description of Louisiana and West Florida, Phila., 1784. 

5. This map g-ave the Sabine as the boundary between Louisiana 
and Texas. Talamantes criticised this as "purely a maratime map and 
prepared at a time when the question of limits was of no interest." 
Historia, 43, Opusculo. I, Par. 71, Archivo General, Mexico. 

6. The facts concerning- Sibley are found iw Jefferson Papers, Ser. 
1. Vol. 10: Ser. 2, Vols. 17. 19, 76. 

37 



and on his way formed the acquaintance of Claiborne, upon whom 
he seems to have made a good impression. The Governor began 
a correspondence with him regarding the information Jefferson 
desired. The communications between the two aroused the sus- 
picion of a local Spanish commandant, Vidal by name, who 
reported Sibley to the Governor-General as a dangerous character. 
This fact caused Claiborne to doubt if Sibley at this crisis could 
be of any assistance to him or to the President. Finally, by care- 
ful questioning and working at night, the Doctor succeeded in 
completing his sketch, and in sending it, with many admonitions 
regarding secrecy, to Claiborne. Sibley had no previous map to 
guide him, but in his sketch, v/hich he considered fairly accurate, 
he represented the principal rivers between the Mississippi and 
the Rio Grande, with some description of the course of each and 
of the surrounding country. The Red he described in some detail, 
especially the soil and productions of its lower course, and dwelt 
upon the importance of Natchitoches as the gateway to the Mex- 
ican provinces. This part of his description was largely over- 
drawn, and many of his geographical statements were incorrect; 
but the letter, as a whole, evidently won for Sibley the favorable 
regard of the Jeffersonian administration. 

What was true concerning the cartographical knowledge of 
Louisiana as a whole was equally trvie of the more precise ques- 
tions of distances and of limits. Claiborne and Sibley were 
inclined to acquiesce in the administration position that West 
Florida was included in the purchase. Dunbar and Clark unques- 
tioningly accepted the later Spanish position that it was not. With 
reference to the western boundary none of the four reported in 
favor of a claim west of the Sabine ; while Clark expressly scouted 
the idea of any such based upon La Salle's settlement. He wrote 
at length of the former Franco-Spanish line at the Arroyo Hondo, 
between Natchitoches and the Sabine. In the latter feature 
Dunbar supported his position. Above the Sabine Clark men- 
tioned certain early French establishments on the Missouri, and 
emphasized the fact that the Nootka Sound episode had resulted 
in a definite division point on the Pacific. Dunbar wrote of an 
uncertain line from the Sabine to the mountains, dividing the 
eastern waters from those of the west, and Sibley vaguely sug- 
gested Ihe same thing. None of them proposed a definite line in 

38 



the west, while Dunbar even expected a transfer to Spain of the 
territory west of the Mississippi, in exchange for the Floridas. 

It will readily be perceived that from a geographical stand- 
point the information furnished by these gentlemen, though prac- 
tically all obtainable, was pitifully meagre. It is not surprising, 
therefore, that in his report of November 14, 1803,'^ upon our new 
territorial acquisition, Jefferson said very little concerning boun- 
daries or allied topics. Another reason for the President's silence 
may have been the fact that the information received -was almost 
entirely opposed to his own opinion — an opinion derived from an 
examination carried on in his library at Monticello.^ Their 
reports, moreover, supported Ellicott's view, as expressed in the 
preface of his Journal published during this year, that West 
Florida was not included in Louisiana. 

Jefferson evidently formulated plans to explore Louisiana, as a 
territorial acquisition, almost as soon as he began to gather the 
scant information concerning it. On August 11, 1803, he wrote 
to one of the government survevors, Isaac Briggs,^*^ that "Con- 
gress would probably authorize the exploration of the principal 
streams of the Mississippi and Missouri," and an accurate deter- 
mination "of given points in the highlands inclosing the waters of 
those rivers, which highlands constitute the exterior boundary of 
the acquisition." When he received the information summarized 
above, he probably already realized the truth of Clark's suggestion 
that the boundary question with Spain was not one for geograph- 
ical determination, but for diplomatic discussion and mutual com- 
promise. In such a discussion our government would be greatly 
handicapped by its lack of accurate knowledge, while Spain had an 
unlimited store of documentary material at its disposal. ^^ It was 



7. Atmals 8 Cong., 2, 1^9% ft. 

8. The Limits and Bounds of Louisiana, a memoir published in 
Documents Relatins: to the Purchase and Exploration of Louisiana, 
Boston, Hou§:hton,'Miflin & Co., 1904. 

9. Andrew Ellicott, /ournal * * * of late Commission on behalf of 
the U. S., etc., Phila., 1803. 

10. Jefferson Papers, Ser. 1, Vol. 9, No. 121. 

11. That the Spanish g^overnment possessed such material, even if 
its representatives made little use of it in the succeeding- negotiations, 
is abundantly shown by the vast documentary treasures of the Mexican 
Archives, just beginning- to be exploited. Cf. Texas Historical Quar- 
terly, VI, 103-112; VII, 196-213. 

.^9 



hardly to be expected that Jefferson would enter upon such a 
negotiation blindl}', and accordingly he determined upon a more 
thorough exploration of our new western frontier. 

Jefferson's plan for the exploration of Louisiana, and the dis- 
tinction which he wished to preserve between the expedition of 
Lewis and Ciark and tliose he now had in mind, is best shown in 
his letter of November i6, 1803, to Meriwether Lewis.^^ 

"The object of your mission is single, the direct water communica- 
tion from sea to sea formed by the bed of the Missouri, and perhaps the 
Oregon. I have proposed in conversation, and it seems generally 
assented to, that Congress appropriate ten to twelve thousand dollars 
for exploring the principal waters of the Mississippi and Missouri. In 
that case I should send a party up the Red River to its head then to 
cross over to the head of the Arkansas and come down that. A second 
party for the Panis and Padouca, and a third perhaps for the Morsigona 
and St. Peters (13). This [exploration] will be attempted distinctly 
from your mission which we consider of major importance and therefor 
not to be delayed or hazarded by any episodes whatever." 

In a letter to Dunbar^^ he elaborated the details of his plan, 
rhe surveyor general for the district north of the Ohio was to be 
authorized to explore the upper Mississippi. Upon obtaining the 
probable authorization of Congress he proposed to send an expedi- 
tion up the Panis and dov/n the Padoucas, exploring the entire 
course of both rivers, and another for the Arkansas and the Red. 
Each party was to take careful astronomical observations at the 
source of each river explored, and from the data thus secured it 
would be possible to construct a skeleton map of Louisiana, which 
in contour and main features would be perfectly correct, and whose 
details could be filled in at leisure. For information of the country 
north of the Missouri, upon which stream Lewis and Clark were 
about to embark, he expected to depend upon British fur traders 
and explorers. 

The result of Jefferson's quiet personal work among the mem- 



12. Jefferson, Works, Memorial Edition, X, 431 ff. 

13. Jeffery's '''American Atlas'" (London, 1776), shows these last 
four rivers with somewhat modified spelling. Their equivaletits are as 
follows: " Panis " = " Platte ■' : "Morsigona" (Moingona) = " Des 
Moines"; "Padouca" (Padoucas. Radoncas)=" Kansas''; "St. Peters" 
=" Minnesota ". The name " Padoucas " also given to north fork of 
the Platte. Coues, Lewis and Clark, I, 60. 

14. Washington (Editor), Writings of Jefferson. IV, 539. 



bers of the Eig^hth Congress appeared in a report, dated March 8, 
1804, from the Committee on Commerce and Manufactures.^^ 
After hazardinf]^ a surmise that the new territory extended to the 
Pacific, the report touched upon previous explorations of the Mis- 
sissippi and of the Gulf Coast by Hutchins and EUicott, mentioned 
the plans for penetrating the upper Mississippi and Missouri, and 
closed by advocating the Red and the Arkansas as affording the 
next most favorable field for exploration. For this nurpose the 
government should utilize the services of private individuals 
wherever possible, and in addition should grant an appropriation 
to supplement such efforts. 

A few days later Jefferson wrote Dunbar^^ of his plan, and 
asked him to direct the expedition up the Red and Arkansas, in 
case Congress authorized the required appropriation. The prepa- 
rations for the expedition were to be made at New Orleans and 
Natchez, and the collector of customs at the former place would 
honor all drafts for this purpose. The instructions to the leader 
v/ere to be similar to those issued to Lewis and Clark, with such 
additional suggestions as Dunbar should thmk necessary to add. 
"Still, this is a matter of speculation," added the President warn- 
ingly, for Congress was hastening matters to bring its session to a 
close, "and in that case all I have said will be as if I had not said 
it." The action of this legislative body was but partially favor- 
able, for its hurried appropriation was only $3,000, barely 
sufficient for one party. This Jefferson determined to send upon 
the more interesting- of his two proposed explorations ; and without 
waiting for Dunbar's acceptance, he again wrote, ^''' asking him to 
superintend the expedition up the Red and Arkansas, and to select 
its leader. For this position he suggested a Mr. Walker, of 
Mississippi, or a Mr. Gillespie, of North Carolina, both of whom 
had served under EUicott. He mentioned the fact that a George 
Hunter, of Philadelphia, would accompany the expedition. Doctor 
Hunter's "fort," the President wrote, "is chemistry, and in the 
practical part of that science he is supposed to have no equal in 
the United States." He warned Dunbar that Hunter might 

15. Annals 8 Congress, I, 1124-1126. 

16. Washing-ton (Editor), Works of Jefferson. IV, 539. 

17. Jefferson Papers, Series 1, Vol. 10, No. ou. 

41 



attempt to turn the expedition into a prospecting tour for gold and 
silver mines, and that the Doctor must not be allowed thus to 
defeat the main purpose of the expedition. 

In his replies of May 15 and June i Dunbar^^ tempered his 
expression of gratification over the fact that Congress had author- 
ized the expedition, by wishing that that body had displayed more 
liberality. The House Committee in its report had seemed to 
take it for granted that scientific men would be led by patriotism to 
undertake this work of exploration. While many might be influ- 
enced by such a motive, yet in the case of a talented man of limited 
means, it would be at the expense of precious time ; and when a 
great empire spoke of compensation it should be adequate to the 
importance of the task. It would be difficult to find the proper 
man in the vicinity of Natchez. Of the two men mentioned by 
Jefferson, Gillespie was the better educated, while Walker, then 
serving in the Spanish army, possessed the greater natural talent ; 
but neither had any particular qualification for the work aside from 
a knowledge of surveying. He believed they must choose a man 
possessing the requisite geographical knowledge and that they 
might consider themselves fortunate if he knew anything of 
natural history, botany, or mineralogy. If a man of "only mod- 
erate talents" was needed, he suggested that Doctor Hunter should 
command the expedition. 

The instructions^^ for the director of the expedition, who was 
to act under Dunbar's orders, accompanied the President's letter 
of April 13, 1804. In general they followed closely those pre- 
viously issued to Meriwether Lewis. From Natchez, the point of 
departure, the leader was to conduct the party to the remotest 
source of the Red River, and thence to the highlands dividing the 
waters of this stream from those of the Bravo (Rio Grande) and 
the Pacific. After making a careful exploration of these high- 
lands, he was to descend the Arkansas, noting upon this river, as 
unon the former, the important natural features and taking numer- 
ous astronomical observations. With regard to the Indians, he 
was to tell them, in accordance with the later instructions to Lewis, 
that the Spaniards had agreed to withdraw all their troops "from 



18. Jefferso?i Papers, Series 2, Vol. 28, Nos. 62 and 63. 

19. Jeffer.0n Papers, Series 1, Vol. 10, No. 59. 



42 



the Mississippi and Missouri and from all countries watered by 
anv rivers running into them."^" Thus he would emphasize the 
Jeffersonian idea of the extent of Louisiana. In view of the pros- 
pective withdrawal of these garrisons and the change in allegiance 
of subjects residing upon these tributaries, they were to suggest 
the advantage of trade relations with the United States and to 
confer upon the establishment of trading posts. In connection 
with his suggestions upon relations with "those people," he warns 
the leader of the party not to persevere in his exploration, if 
threatened by a superior force, "authorized or not authorized by a 
nation." The lives of the members of the expedition were too 
valuable to be exposed to probable destruction, and with the loss 
of the party would follow the loss of all results from the expedi- 
tion. The fact that this warning, as in the case of the instructions 
to Lewis, follows the paragraphs devoted to the Indians, seems to 
imply that the President anticipated the use of this alternative 
only as a result of savage opposition. Yet as a matter of fact it 
was only used in yielding to the Spaniards.^^ It was probably an 
expedient of Jeffersonian diplomacy to avoid direct mention of 
possible Spanish opposition. 

Meanwhile, during the month of May, 1804, Dr. George 
Hunter, acting under the instructions of the Secretary of War, 
had busied himself in Philadelphia in the purchase of provisions, 
Indian presents, medicines and instruments for the proposed expe- 
dition up the Red River.^^ On the 27th of May, the Doctor and 
his son set out on horseback for the overland journey to Pittsburg. 
After eight days they arrived at the latter place, where, with better 
success than Lewis had the previous year, they spent only two 
weeks in superintending the construction of a flat-bottomed boat 



20. In view of developments during- the Freeman expedition (see 
Chap. IX) this statement would hardly arouse additional respect for 
American authority. 

21. See Chapter IX. 

22. For his movements until the expedition started from Natchez, 
the 16th of the following- October, my authority is the Manuscript Jour- 
nal of George Hunter up the Red and Washita River ivith IVm. Dimbar, 
1804, by order U. S. and up to Hot Springs. This manuscript is in the 
possession of the American Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, 
where, through the courtesy of Dr. I. Minis Hays, I was permitted to 
examine it. 

43 



to convey themselves and stores to Natchez. The details of their 
journey to the latter town furnish a most interesting picture of 
pioneer travel upon the Ohio and Mississippi, but are not directly 
connected with our subject, and so may be omitted. The Doctor 
records, "with a feeling of relief," that on the 24th day of July 
thev made fast to the shore at Natchez. 

Although Hunter had consumed nearly two months on the trip 
from Philadelphia, he speedily learned from Mr, Dunbar that no 
preparations had been m.ade for the expedition. Lieut. Col. 
Constant Freeman, the commandant of the garrison at New 
Orleans, was to furnish the boat and military escort, but had 
deferred all measures imtil Hunter's arrival. Dunbar suggested 
that the Doctor should oroceed with his boat to New Orleans, and 
if no better one could be procured, have some alterations made in 
it, buy the necessary stores, and return as soon as possible with the 
military escort. Accordingly Hunter was obliged to spend the 
next two months in the trip to New Orleans and return, and in 
repairing his boat, which, although constructed for use on a large 
river, was the only one procurable, and must perforce serve for the 
navigation of the smaller streams that they planned to explore. 
With a far from efficient crew, composed of a sergeant and twelve 
enlisted men from the New Orleans garrison, and with his make- 
shift boat, Hunter, in the latter part of September, again reached 
the proposed starting point of the expedition, St. Catherine's 
Landing, just below Natchez. In general, one gains the impres- 
sion from the pages of the Doctor's journal that only a very 
moderate degree of alacrity was displayed in following out the 
details of the President's plan. 

During Hunter's stay in New Orleans there had been an entire 
change in the plan itself. On the 17th of July Jefferson wrote 
Dunbar^^ that on account of the defection, two years before, to 
the Arkansas of a part of the Little Osage Indians the expedition 
was to be postponed until the following spring. The significance 
of this Indian movement had but just been explained to the Presi- 
dent by Pierre Chouteau, then on a visit to Washington with 
White Hairs, the noted Osage chief, and some of his companions. 
Chouteau was to visit the Indians during the winter and endeavor 



23. Jefferson Papers, Series 1, Vol. 10, No. 124. 

44 



to heal the schism, so that the Indians might not merely refrain 
from hindering but even actively aid the expedition. "In the 
meantime," added the President, "we shall be able to remove the 
Spanish impediments." Dunbar, however, was authorized to 
make use of the men and stores for a shorter excursion ; while as a 
result of the delay he could select a fully qualified leader. The 
President also suggested that Dunbar should try to forward the 
account of this preliminary trip in time for effective use with 
Congress. 

In his reply"'* Dunbar announced that the expedition had fortu- 
nately not started, that no geographer had been engaged, and that 
no one, unless it were Doctor Hunter, could feel disappointed 
because of the postponement. He and the Doctor together would 
visit the Hot Springs at the headwaters of the Washita. This was 
a region of great natural interest, which the main oarty in the 
spring would be unable to vis't, and he would doubtless obtain 
nmch available information from the hunters who lived at the post 
on the Washita. He added another reason for postponing the 
main expedition in the fact that the Spaniards would probably 
have stopped it a little above "Nakitosh." As Don Nimecio Sal- 
ccdo, the Captam-General of the Internal Provinces of New Spain, 
had, in the preceding May, issued orders from Chihuahua"^ that 
no American should be permitted to approach the Texas frontier, 
or to mark the boimdarics of Louisiana, Dunbar's surmise apnears 
to be well founded. The Washita offered the advantage of having 
its head waters protected from incursions of the predatory Osages 
by a group of rough elevated hills, and it was likewise remote from 
the Spanish outposts. While not so important as either the Red 
or the Arkansas, the river promised to support a large future 
population, whose pioneer elements were already settling upon its 
banks, and its exploration was necessary to complete the chart of 
our new territorial acquisition. These considerations to a certain 
extent compensated for the postponement of Jefferson's more com- 
prehensive plan of frontier exploration. 



24. Jefferson Papers, Series 2, Vol. 28, No. 64. 

25. Salcedo to Governor of Texas, May 3, 1804. Bexar Archives. 



45 



J 



CHAPTER V. 

THE HUNTER-DUNBAR EXPEDITION UP THE 
WASHITA. 

The route of the Hunter-Dunbar expedition was so prudently 
chosen that no untoward event occurred to render it memorable. 
On the afternoon of October i6, 1804. the start was finally made 
from St. Catherine's Landing, near Dunbar's plantation, "The 
Forest." The personnel of the party consisted of Sir William 
Dunbar, George Hunter and his son, a sergeant and twelve 
enlisted men, and Dunbar's negro servant. The route covered the 
distance to the mouth of the Red River, up that stream to the 
Black or Washita,' to the Hot Springs near the source of the 
latter, and thence the return by the same streams — the whole occu- 
pying some four months Naturally the major part of the details 
of such an expedition consists of scientific descriptions of the 
country traversed and the trivial incidents of life in the wilderness. 
Except as tending to throw light upon the general methods of 
frontier exploration, these details are now relatively unimportant. 
Yet their observations upon the contemporary life encountered 
along the river banks and such experience as they gained for the 
use of succeeding expeditions more than repaid the cost of the 
attempt.^ 

1. The journals describe the Black as flowing into the Red, and the 
Washita into the Black. 

2. At this point it may be well to indicate the sources for informa- 
tion concerning- this expedition. In addition to the manuscript journal 
of Dr. George Hunter, mentioned above, Mr. Dunbar kept a separate 
journal which was published by Houghton, Mifliii & Co., 1904, under the 
title, '■'^ Documents Relaiinff to the Purchase and Exploration of Louisiana. 
The Exploration of the Red, the HIac/c, and the IVashita Rivers'", by 
William Dunbar. A summary evidently based largely upon Dunbar's 
journal, was published in Annals, 9 Congress, 1110 flf. If one should 
attempt a brief characterization of the two journals he would probably 
say that Dunbar's is the more scientific, but Hunter's the more readable. 
As a picture of frontier life at the opening of the nineteenth century 
the latter well merits publication. A legend on the title page of the 
Hunter Journal says that an abstract of it was published by order of 
the United States Government, but this evidently refers to the summary 
mentioned above. The legend further states that this abstract was also 
published as an appendix to one of the volumes of Brown's Literary 
Magazine, of Philadelphia. From the incomplete copy in the library 
of the Pennsylvania Historical Society the writer judges this to be a 
reprint of the same government publication. 

47 



The population along the river was a never-failing source of 
interest, especially to Dr. Hunter. The greater part consisted of 
Canadian French "of few wants and as little industry." There 
were a number of Spanish and French Creole families, apparently 
of the same general character as the Canadians, but interspersed 
with them, were a few of a higher order of industry and intelli- 
gence. Mingled with the elements surviving from the previous 
regime were a few German, Irish, and American settlers of the 
frontier type, and the soldiers of the post on the Washita. About 
this post were grouped some 150 families of this nondescript popu- 
lation. A few scattered cabins above and below this place, with 
an occasional house of more pretentious appearance, constituted 
the settled portion of the country. The upper sources of the river 
were marked only by an occasional hunter's lodge or "cache," used 
by the inhabitants, white and Indian, during the autumn hunting. 
The deer, bear, and wild fowl of the swamps and forests afforded 
the greater portion of the food supply of the region ; but this was 
supplemented by an occasional patch of Indian corn and by a few 
wild cattle, kept for beef rather than for dairy purposes. Two 
large land grants, aflfording a fertile field for future litigation, 
were located upon the Washita. That of the Marquis of Maison 
Rouge was located below Fort Miro. The more recent one to 
the Baron de Bastrop, soon to be connected with Burr's ambitious 
filibustering project, extended twelve leagues square above it. The 
greater part of the inhabitants appeared to be satisfied with the 
sway of Lieutenant Bowman, the commandant at the military post. 

The ordinary method of propelling the boat forward was by 
rowing, all twelve of the soldiers being employed at once at this 
work. Occasionally the wind permitted the sail to be used, or 
good walking on the banks offered an opportunity for "tracking" 
(towing). Each day the attempt Vv'as made to start before sun- 
rise, but the dilatoriness of the soldiers generally prevented this. 
Long halts were made at eight A. M. and at noon, to prepare 
meals, take observations, and permit the men to rest. Owing to 
the size of the boat and the laziness and insubordination of the 
men, they were seldom able to make more than one and a half 
miles an liour. Frequent shoals, logs, and trees lodged in the bed 
of the river ; occasional rapids, "chutes," and rocky ledges ; and the 
gradual subsidence of the river, added to the difficulty of the 

48 



ascent. LJpon their arrival, on November 6, at Fort Miro, some 
196 miles from the junction of the Red and the Mississippi, they 
exchanged their boat for a smaller one and hired a guide. This 
change, as Dunbar wrote Jefferson,^' was rendered necessary 
because Hunter's boat, "constructed on his Chinese model." proved 
to be "an unprofitable vessel." A little well advised encourage- 
ment from Mr. Dunbar gave the soldiers, who reall>' were glad to 
escape the fever-tainted atmosphere of New Orleans, an enthusi- 
astic interest in the success of the expedition. The journey above 
Fort Miro, though more difficult, was a marked improvemenl over 
the first part of the way. 

At the Island of Mallet the travelers discovered, in taking the 
observation of November 15, that they were within half a minute 
of the new boundarv line of Orleans Territory — the thirty-third 
degree. Here they lost the Spanish moss of the lower courses of 
the rfver, left the alluvial swamps for higher land, and observed 
other marked changes that differentiated the country above and 
below the new limit. A week later they passed the Caddo "trace" 
leading from the Red to the Arkansas, and a little above this the 
Ecor(e)s de Fabri, some sand hills where tradition, detailed by the 
the guide, reported that leaden plates once marked the boundar\ 
between the French and Spanish colonial possessions. Naturall> 
they found no vestige of these plates."* From occasional parties 
of hunters they learned manv facts concerning the Red and 



3. Jefferson Papers, Series 2, Vol. 28, No. 66. 

4. This incident affords an opportunitj' to contrast the stj'le of the 
two explorers. Dunbar records in a matter of fact way, "It is reported 
that a line of demarcation run between the French and Spanish prov- 
inces, when the former possessed Louisiana, crossed the river at this 
place; and it is said that Fabri, a Frenchman, and perhaps the supposed 
eng-ineer, deposited lead near the cliff and in the direction of the line; 
we could not, however, obtain any authentic account of this matter, 
and it is not generally believed." (Dunbar's /o«r«a/, pagfe 59). Hunter 
gives more zest to his story, "Our pilot, an illiterate man, not remark- 
able for good judgment or veracity, mentions, as a report, which he has 
heard, that this Fabri, now dead, was said to have buried a piece of lead 
near here, as a line mark, of the division of territory between the 
French and the Spaniards. That the only person said to be present 
when this was done immediately disappeared; that hunters who encamp 
near this spot still hear a voice in the night calling out, Fabri! Fabri 1 
The whole story, no doubt, is equally well founded. By what I can 
learn, there never was any line of division traced out between these two 
nations this way; nor is there the least reason to suppose that a division 
line for that purpose could run within a great distance of this place. It 
must go very far to the westward." 

49 



Arkansas, Missouri and Platte rivers, the Indians living upon 
them, and the vast plains through which they flowed. 

In a measure this m.ethod of procuring information answered 
the purpose of Jefferson's extended plan. Far greater service 
was rendered in the acquisition of practical experience for the 
guidance of future expeditions of this sort. It was speedily dis- 
covered that a special boat was needed to navigate the shallow 
waters of these interior streams. It was likewise noted that the 
discipline of a detail of enlisted men could not be maintained 
simply by a non-commissioned officer. More important still was 
the result of the experiment in transferring some baggage from 
the head of navigation on the Washita (the Fourche de Chalfat), 
to the Hot Springs. Though the distance was less than nine miles 
and the loads carried by the soldiers purposely made very light, 
they complained bitterly, and as Dunbar thought, with justice, of 
the difficulties of this method of transporting baggage. The 
experiment led Dunbar to consider the vastly increased difficulty 
of using this scheme for a much larger company, between the head 
waters of the Red and the Arkansas, especially when they were 
wholly uncertain of the distance. In accordance with Dunbar's 
suggestion, the President modified this feature of his original plan. 

The voyagers reached the head of navigation on the Washita 
on December 6, and started on their return journey on the 8th of 
January. The interval was employed in observations and excur- 
sions in the vicinity of the Hot Springs. The snows and rains of 
this period increased greatly the volume of water in the river, and 
facilitated their descent. On the i6th they were at the post on 
the Washita where Dunbar left the partv to return overland to 
his home. On the 31st Hunter brought the boat to St. Catherine's 
Landing, and on the 9th of the following month delivered the 
escort, sate and sound to a man. to Lieutenant-Colonel Freeman 
at New Orleans. 

In summarizing his work upon his return^ Dunbar could report 
nothing of great importance. The Hot Springs were a great 
natural curiosity, but the season was unfavorable for botanical 
work. The expedition had afforded some experimental knowledge 
that might later prove useful. He wished to prepare a brief 



•'^- Jefferson Papers, Series 2, Vol. 28, Nos. 67 and 68. 

SO 



abstract oi the excursion, to be forwarded before the close of the 
session of Congress, but this was rendered impossible on account 
of the bad weather, the irregular mails, but above all by the loss 
of a month on account of their boat. Dr. Hunter's ideas in its 
construction were entirely wrong. Dunbar's unfortunate col- 
league had meanwhile taken passage at New Orleans for Phila- 
delphia, where he arrived April i, 1805. His practice had suffered 
by his absence, and he regretted that his medical knowledge had 
really been of so little service on the expedition. His son in Phila- 
delphia and Dunbar in Natchez entered upon the tedious process 
of calculating their respective observations. After considerable 
delay their original journals and their summarized contents found 
appropriate resting places in the vault of the American Philosoph- 
ical Society and in the documents of the Ninth Congress, where 
their lot was a century of almost uninterrupted repose. At this 
centennial period it is only fitting that the names of William 
Dunbar and George Hunter should be enrolled among those who 
])layed a prominent part in the exploration of the Louisiana Pur- 
chase. 

Although the Hunter-Dunbar expedition did not explore the 
Red River, as originally intended, the President, during this winter 
of 1804-05, received from another source some information con- 
cerning that stream. Dr. John Sibley was evidently emboldened 
by his correspondence with Claiborne to communicate directly 
with Jefferson, and he rightly approached by the scientific channel. 
His letter of March 20, 1804,^' after opening with a few personal 
details, was devoted to a description of the bow-wood tree. In 
closing, h-: begged leave to tender his services in any capacity the 
President might think proper to command. His reward came 
very quickly, first in the appointment as surgeon's mate for the 
troops stationed at Natchitoches, and later as Indian agent for 
Orleans Territory and the region south of the Arkansas.'^ 

Sible} was evidently a past master in the art of attracting 
public attention. One of his letters to a Raleigh friend written 
during 1803, found its way into print in the East.^ A similar one 



6. Jefferson Papers, Ser. 2, Vol. 76, No. 6. 

7. See pag-e 14. 

8. The Literary Magazine and Annual Register, Vol. 8, 173, 174. 

51 



describing the Red River, was later published in Kentucky, and 
was followed the next year by another.® Possibly these letters 
strengthened Sibley with the administration, but they aroused 
against himself a storm of personal abuse, coupled with severe 
criticisms of his accuracy and veracity. His personal reputation 
was not wholly proof against the former, while his tendency to 
exaggeration often laid him open to the latter; yet for the time 
being he was the sole medium for geographical information from 
the Red River. Late in 1804 the President appointed him a mem- 
ber of the governor's council, and this act resulted in local 
protest, not only against Sibley, but indirectly against the admin- 
istration. Claiborne was constrained by this fact to express a 
doubt of the wisdom of the appointment, considering the Doctor's 
private reputation ; but Jefferson did not believe the charges suffi- 
ciently proved, nor that they should weigh against the assurances 
of others and the Doctor's unquestionable good sense and informa- 
tion.i^ 

When Sibley forwarded to Dearborn his first Indian report. ^^ 
he, perhaps unwittingly, selected the most favorable method of 
gaining the President's good graces. Having once discovered 
Jefferson's taste for the literature of the aborigines, he kept him 
supplied with Indian vocabularies, and so retained his good will 
and that of his immediate successor. ^^ This impression he height- 
ened by a description of the Red River Valley,^''' based upon his 
own travels, in 1803 and 1804, along the settled portion of the 
river, and the testimony of others, particularly his interpreter. 
Francis Grappe. Although the latter was well acquainted with 
the Louisiana Texas frontier, the fact that he was at this same time 
in Spanish pay^* would tend to vitiate his testimony, in the same 
measure that the Doctor's exuberant imagination often made his 
own statements untrurtworthy. 

Dr. Sibley was in no sense a trained scientific observer, so his 

9- Jefferson Papers, Series 2, Vol. 76, newspaper clipping. 

10. Jefferson Papers, Ser. 1, Vol. 10, No. 300. 

11. See Chapter VIII. 

12. Jefferson Papers, Ser. 2, Vol. 76, Nos. 9-12. 

13. Annals, 9 Cong-. 2, 1089 fiF. 

14. Annals, 9 Cong. 2, 1088; Salcedo to Iturrigary, Aug., 1806, 
Bexar Archives. 

52 



description was largely confined to subjects that would appeal to 
the casual traveler or prospective settler. He mentioned the 
names of the various settlements upon the banks of the river, such 
as Rapide, Avoyelles. Natchitoches. Campti. and also of the 
more important isolated establishments. He described the chief 
affluents of the Red, either from personal observation or from 
the reports of others, and from his practical agricultural stand- 
point, gave a fair representation of the river system, the soil, and 
its productions. But he made predictions regarding natural 
products that succeeding years have not wholly verified. His 
description of the population was interesting, as he showed the 
numerous elements that composed it, and that the more progressive 
were non-native. In this particular the Red simply repeated what 
others had observed on the Washita. Natchitoches, the most 
important town, was only a miserable settlement, containing less 
than half a dozen notable structures, and was in a worse economic 
condition than in 1762. All of the industries that were important 
were apparently in American hands, and that, too, while Spain 
still controlled affairs. His report, even if it added little to scien- 
tific knowledge, was a most effective commentary upon four 
decades of Spanish government. 



bS 



CHAPTER VI. 

A LEADER AND A PASSPORT FOR THE RED RIVER 
EXPEDITION. 

The results of the Hunter and Dunbar expedition, in connec- 
tion with the reports from Sibley/ afforded the first fairly satis- 
factory picture of the southern portion of our new acquisition, and 
apparently stirred up Jefferson to signalize his second adminis- 
tration by its exploration, as he had signalized his first by its acqui- 
sition. March 12 he wrote Dunbar^ that as Congress had appro- 
priated $5,000.00 additional, the expedition must immediately be 
set on foot. One of the most important questions before them was 
the selection of the proper scientific men to direct it. Doctor 
Hunter concluded not to go, nor could Dunbar leave his private 
business. Jefferson first mentioned a Mr. Perse, of the Post Office 
Department, and as a possible second man a Parson Wiley, of a 
Washington academy.'^ C. S. Raffinesque had made some inqui- 
ries concerning the botanical work of the expedition, but the place 
was not judged worthy of his attention.^ None of these men 
proving available, Jefferson suggested to Dunbar a certain George 
Davis, but the Mississippian rejected him on account of his unfor- 
tunate personal disposition.^ Finally, to avoid further delay, a 
Mr. Thomas Freeman, whom Jefferson had previously mentioned 
as a suitable person for an assistant, and who had for a time served 
under Andrew Ellicott, was selected as its official head, to serve, 
however, under the supervision of Dunbar. Freeman was to 
manage the astronomical work, but needed the assistance of a 
botanist, and mentioned^ Dr. Garret Pendergast and Dr. PVed Seip. 
both residing near Natchez, as suitable men for this position. It 
was not until the i2th of T'muarv, r8o6, that Jefferson wrote 



1. Annals, 9 Congress 2, 1097 ff. 

2. Jefferson Papers, Series 1, Vol. 10, No. 268. 

3. Hnd, Series 1, Vol. 10, No. 271. 

4. [bid, Series 1, Vol. 10, No. 202. 

5. fbid, Ser. 1, Vol. 10, No. 301; Sen 2, Vol. 28, No. W. 

6. /hid. Series 2, Vol. 34, No. 48. 



54 



Dnnbav :' "We hope we have procured a good botanist to accom- 
pany him" (i. e., Freeman), in the person of Dr. Peter Custis. 
There still remained an assistant for Mr. Freeman. Dunbar first 
tried to obtain Lieutenant E. P. Caines, but as he could not leave 
his post, he finally selected Lieutenant Humphrey, a "young officer 
of considerable talents." to whom Mr. Freeman seemed "already 
particularly attached."** This selection was not made till the latter 
part of April, upon the eve of the departure of the expedition. 
The difficulty in securing proper officers will readily account for 
the long delay in getting it started. Scientific men, possessing the 
requisite physical stamina for frontier exploration, were hard to 
find in America at the opening of the nineteenth century. 

The long delay in selecting a leader for the Red River expedi- 
tion impel iled the success of Jefferson's plan, not merely because 
of the threatened falling of the waters of that river with the 
advance of the season, but also because of the ebb of Congressional 
enthusiasm, owing to the non-appearance of tangible results. 
Evidently such a possibility appealed to Dunbar as it had pre- 
viously to Lewis," for on December 7, 1805, he wrote Jefferson,'^' 
proposing a brief excursion with a corporal and four men, up the 
Little Missouri, a tributary to the Washita. The party of the 
previous year had been unable to explore this stream on account 
of the presence of hostile Indians, and it was reputed to drain a 
country rich in iron mines. There was no occasion, however, to 
put this scheme into operation. 

Jefferson's new instructions to Dunbar," dated May 25. 1805. 
show one result derived from the preliminary expedition of the 
previous vear. On account of the difficulty of transporting bag- 
gage from the head of the Red River to that of the Arkansas, and 
because of the dangers to be apprehended from the Osagcs. the 
President determined to confine "the ensuing mission to the ascent 
of the Red River^- to its source, and to descend the same river 

7. Ibid, Series 1, Vol. 11, No. 9.S. 

8. Ibid, Series 2, Vol. 28, No. 74. 

9. See pag-e 20. 

10. Jefferson Papers, Ser. 2, V(j1. 28, No. 72. 

11. Washin£jton, JVrifin.f^'s of Jefferson, IV, ,577 ft'. 

12. As late as March 28, 1806, Jefl'ersoii gave Dunbar the option of 
exploring- the Arkansas first, if he so desired, /rfferstui Papers. Series 
1, Vol. 1', No. 167. 

55 



again." Dnnbar ^^as also to write Governor Claiborne, of Orleans 
Territory, to secure from the Marquis of Casa Calvo, the Spanish 
boundary commissioner, a passport for the party. The fact that 
they were empowered to trade with the Indians should guarantee 
a favorable reception from them, and the members of the expedi- 
tion were to do everything in their power to attach them to the 
United States government, especially in view of the state of its 
Tiffairs with Spain. In the latter part of this letter JeflFerson thus 
touched upon two factors — Spanish frontier officials and neigh- 
])oring Indians — that were to elevate this expedition to interna- 
tional importance. 

On the following day, in order doublv to insure the success of 
the expedition. Jefferson gave more minute directions to 
Claiborne^'' concerning the passport he wi.shed to obtain from Casa 
Calvo. He was to assure the Marquis that the expedition would 
go no farther than the sources of the Red River ; but as even within 
this limit they might meet unexpected opposition from parties of 
Spanish citizens, a passport would prove a precautionary measure 
to prevent irresponsible breaches of peace. Claiborne was to em- 
phasize the scientific character of the expedition, and as '^"•roof of 
this, to offer to receive one or two Spanish representatives as mem- 
bers of the party. Claiborne should furthermore call attention to 
the fact that the western boundary was still unsettled, as an addi- 
tional reason for exploring the disputed region. As each nation, 
according to Jefferson, had an equal claim to the country, each 
likewise had an equal right to obtain information in behalf of its 
claim. If the Marquis should refuse to appoint a representative, 
or to give a passport, Claiborne was to intimate as diplomatically 
as possible that the Spanish government would be held responsible 
for any violence offered the partA . 

The Marquis of Casa Calvo had been a governor of Louisiana 
under the Spanish regime, and came to the province a second time 
in April, 1803. to act as one of the commissioners for Spain in its 
transfer to France. After its delivery to that power, and, later, 
to the United States, he still continued at New Orleans in he 
capacity as commissioner to mark the limits between the posses- 
sions of His Catholic Majestv and those of the United .States. 

1.^. Icffeyson Papers. Series 1, Vol. 10, No. 300. 



Due notice of his new appointment was given to the American 
officials and to those of the Internal Provinces as well.^'* He 
speedily became an object of suspicion to the American authorities, 
who distriisted his motives in remaining at New Orleans; and 
likewise was viewed with jealousy by his fellow colonial associates 
in Texas and Chihuahua. A.s his later correspondence showed, 
both had cause for their respective attitudes. In June. 1804, he 
wrote Juan Bautista Elg-uezabal,^'' then governor of Texas, that 
he had definite information of Jefferson's intention to send an 
expedition up the Red River ; and he assured the governor that 
the mere reading of this information should lead him to take urgent 
and immediate measures to hinder or even destroy such expedi- 
tions, in order to presei^vc in their integrity the vast and rich pos- 
sessions of His Majesty. At least the law of nations, he sug- 
gested, would permit the governor to delay, in the beginning, the 
progress cf this dreaded enterprise. During the same month, and 
also in the following September, he communicated dispatches of 
similar tenor to Don Pedro Cevallos, the Spanish Minister of State 
for Foreign Affairs.^*' in the course of which he recommended 
measures not merely to prevent the exploration of the Arkansas 
and Colorado (Red), but also to impede the progress of Captain 
"Lewis Merry Whether" up the Missouri. 

Accordingly, a year later, when Claiborne approached Casa 
Calvo^'^ for a passport for the Dunbar party, the Marquis was not 
a little embarrassed to know what to do. In his request, Claiborne 
closely followed his instructions, and dwelt upon Dunbar's skill, 
reputation, and services for both governments, and the similarity 
of this undertaking to Humboldt's well-known tour. In addition 
Claiborne's request was endorsed by i\ndres Lopez Armesto. the 
former secretary of the province and the present secretary of Casa 
Calvo's boundary commission. In his perplexity the Marquis 
determined to grant the passport and appoint some one to repre- 
sent Spain, but at the same time not to compromise himself nor 
interfere with the action of Captain-General Salcedo. 

14. Claiborne to Madison. Feb. 26, May 13, 1804. Claiborne Corre- 
spondence, I. Salcedo to Governor of Texas, May 3, 1804. Bexar 
Archives. 

\^. Casa Calvo to Elguezabal, June 27, 1804. Bexar Archives. 

16. Casa Calvo to Cevallos, July 18, 1805. New Mexico Archives. 

17. [bid. 

57 



Casa Calvo believed the scientific object of the expedition to be 
a simple pretext to hide the President's territorial ambition. But 
in view of the fact that the Americans possessed the right bank of 
the Mississippi and the mouths of the Red and Arkansas, they 
could hardly be prevented from navigating those streams, espe- 
cially as the true limits of the two countries were not accurately 
defined. Moreover, because of the progress already made by 
Captain Lewis, it would be impossible to restrain the Americans 
short of actual hostilitie s. He believed war to be inevitable and, 
accordingly, did not wish to lose this opportunity to learn, not 
merely the character of the country that would be the probable 
seat of action, but also the plans and real knowledge possessed by 
the Americans. So he answered Claiborne^^ with apparent cor- 
diality, expressing his belief in the scientific character of the expe- 
dition. At the same time he added that as the upper part of the 
rivers in question bordered on Texas and perhaps on the provinces 
farther in the interior, he must give due notice of the expedition 
to Captain-General Salcedo, to enable the latter to take such 
measures as his instructions required. Armesto then wrote the 
GeneraP^ concerning the situation and left him to do what he 
judged necessary. Casa Calvo's whole course seems directed with 
a view to avoid giving offense to the American authorities, who 
might cut short his stay at New Orleans; to establish himself 
firmly with the administration at Madrid ; and to throw upon 
Salcedo the final decision in the matter of the exploring expedition. 

If Casa Calvo was unwilling to assume this responsibility, the 
case was far different with the bluff soldier who then ruled at 
Chihuahua. In his reply^*' to the Marquis he bluntly informed the 
latter that, although the expedition bore his passport, he, as 
Captain-General, understood the interests of his government and 
should protect those interests against the proposed incursion. He 
professed to see in the expedition and in that of "Mr. Merri" along 
the Missouri, simply an attempt to gain military knowledge of the 
country or to tamper with the allegiance of the Indians. The 
Spanish government needed no geographical knowledge of the 

18. Casa Calvo to Claiborne, July 18, 1805. Nerv Mexico Archives. 

19. Andres Lopez Armesto to Salcedo, July 15, 1805. Nczv Mexico 
Archives. 

20. Salcedo to Casa Calvo. Oct. 8, 1805. Bexar Archives. 

58 



country, already thoroughly explored by its traders; and if the 
Americans wished to obtain such knowledge, he would cheerfully 
furnish it upon proper application to his department. In view of 
the danger to their Indian allies, all expeditions from the United 
States must, for the present, be suspended ; and to this regulation 
Dunbar's expedition must conform. 

Just six days before this, Salcedo had written Iturrigaray,-^ the 
V^iceroy of New Spain, complaining- of the expansion policy of the 
American government, especially noticeable in their exploring 
expeditions and Indian negotiations, and expressing a fear that a 
new expedition was to be introduced under Casa Calvo's passport. 
When surmise became realitr, it is not at all strange that his repl) 
to the Marquis was not more gracious, or that he took occasion to 
make his conduct the object of serious complaint at Madrid.^- He 
immediately ordered-^ the new governor of Texas, Antonio 
Cordero, to detach a force from the frontier posts of Texas to 
watch the Colorado (Red) and Napestle (Upper Arkansas) for 
the Dunbar expedition. If encountered, the members of the 
patrolling force should compel it to remain under their "opportune 
protection" until it withdrew. The Spaniards should especially 
observe the intercourse of the expedition with the Indians ; and by 
cleverly utilizing their own native allies, they might cut off its 
provisions and thwart it at the beginning. 

It was not merely the explorers bearing duly attested passports 
that were causing the Captain-General uneasiness, but likewise 
spies, and the equally unacceptable trappers and general traders, 
whom love of adventure or of gain lured into the far Southwest. 
With reference to operations of the first class, Salcedo and his 
underlings were by no means free from censure. From the Lou- 
isiana frontier, they were kept well informed of American move- 
ments, through the activity of Felix Trudeau,^^ the former Spanish 
commandant at Natchitoches and now a resident of that com- 
munity : of Samuel Davenport and Edward Murphy,--'' naturalized 



21. Salcedo to Iturrig-aray, Oct. 2, 1805. Bexar Archives. 

22. Coues, Expeditions of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, II, 612, 613. 

23. Salcedo to Cordero, Oct. 8, 1805. Bexar Archives. 

24. Roderig-uez to Cordero, Dec. 18, 1805. Bexar Archives. 

25. Turner to Claiborne, Aug. 30, 1804. Claiborne Correspondence, I. 



59 



Spanish subjects and fur traders, who from their occupation were 
prepared to furnish information to both sides; and of Francis 
Grappe,-^ who apparently with equal readiness acted as Indian 
interpreter for Sibley or for Salcedo. 

In view of this fact there is some justification in the Ameri- 
cans adopting a like policy, and we have some indications that they 
did. On February 26, 1805, Dearborn wrote Wilkinson^'^ that in 
view of reported Spanish movements in "Louisiana and vicinity" 
it was highly desirable to learn the purport of any such in the 
country between the Rio Bravo and the Red, and particularly "to 
know what was doing in St. Antonio and the St. Bernard Bay." 
Trappers and hunters were the proper persons to employ in this 
service, for which they were to be paid while in government em- 
ploy. Early in the following Septeml)cr Wilkinson, from St. 
Louis, reported-^ concerning a certain Captain Stille, that he "had 
been again despatched to the westward, and I hope he may before 
this reaches you have been able to ascertain and apprize for you 
the disposition of the Spaniards at the Orcoquisanes (Orcoquisac 
=Trinity ) and Malta Gorda. Captain Turner, too, may I hope 
from a [reconnaisance?] which he was instructed to make have 
been able to give you information of the dispositions at Naco- 
doches (sic) and St. Antonio." 

These references show that there was a readiness on the part 
of the American authorities to counteract with their own peculiar 
methods the efforts of their border rivals. The greater part of 
the information they acquired in this way seems to have been 
through the Indians, and was of suah a character as to lead them 
to exaggerate the strength of their opponents and to misinterpret 
their movements. 

Still more troublesome to the Spaniards appeared the threat- 
ened irruption of unauthorized trappers and traders. On Julv 16, 
1804, Captain Edward Turner informed Claiborne-^ of a typical 

26. Anna/s, ^ Cong-. 2. 1097: Salcedo to Cordero, Aug-. 13, 1805. 
Hexar Archives. 

27. Dearborn to Wilkinson, Feb. 26, I80.S. MSS. Wilkinson Papers 
I L For use of these papers I am indebted to the courtesy of the Board 
< -f Directors of the Chicago Historical Society. 

28. Wilkinson to , Sept. 7, 1805. MSS. Wilkinson Papers. 

29. Turner to Claiborne, July 16, 1804. Claiborne Correspondenec. 

bO 



instance of this sort. A certain American named Sanders had 
penetrated some 500 miles up the Red River to the Pawnees, and 
found them anxious to trade with the Americans. Sanders was 
pursued by the Spaniards, but managed to elude them, and arrived 
safely at Natchitoches. This adventurer preceded Jefferson's pro- 
posed expedition by some two years, and probably penetrated 
farther than Freeman finallv reached.^^ The Spanish authorities 
rightly feared such attempts far more than a regular expedition 
that moved forward openly under governmental responsibility. 
The latter was subject to diplomatic pressure; no amount of 
frontier precaution could circumvent among Indian allies the 
subtle influence of the ambitious trader and errant trapper. In the 
far Southwest the peril from these became especially threatening 
during this period, and added not a little to the anxiety with which 
the Captain-General watched American aggression, which he was 
too weak to check with efficiency. 

30. See Chapter IX. 



61 



CHAPTER VII. 

SPANISH EXPEDITIONS ALONG THE LOUISIANA 

BORDER. 

The notice of the appointment of Marquis Casa Calvo as 
boundary commissioner was communicated to the Spanish officials 
in Texas; and on May 3, 1804, General Salcedo, writing to that 
effect to the governor of Texas/ ordered that no American should 
be permitted to approach its frontier or in any way be allowed to 
mark alone the limits of Louisiana. Two months later Jose 
Joaquin Ugarte, who commanded the Texan frontier, dutifully 
wrote the governor, Lieutenant-Colonel Juan Bautista Elgue- 
zabal,^ that, in accordance with instructions, he should nermit no 
Anglo-Americans to approach Spanish territory, for fear they 
would mark the boundary unmindful of Spanish interests. 

A French traveler, C. C. Robin, who chanced to be in Louisiana 
at the time of its transfer to the United States, rendered most effi- 
cient service to Casa Calvo. A few days after the ceremony of 
transfer he passed up the Mississippi, the Red, and the Washita, 
and finally arrived at the post on the latter river a few days before 
its transfer to Lieutenant Bowm.an, of whom, because of his youth, 
he seems to have formed an unfavorable opinion.^ After record- 
ing his observations concerning the extremely mixed population of 
the region, he returned to New Orleans, where he had an inter- 
view with Casa Calvo, and explained to him the value of the 
country lying between Louisiana'* and Mexico. This strip of ter- 
ritory, 250 leagues from east to west, and extending from the Gulf 
to the Arctic Ocean, was coveted by the Americans, and their 
threatened occupation formed a menace to the frontier lands and 
mines of Mexico. To avoid this danger the Spaniards must people 



1. Salcedo to Governor of Texas, May 3, 1804. Bexar Archives. 

2. Ug-arte to Elffuezabal, July 4, 1804. Bexar Archives. 

3. Robin: Voyages dans IJ" Interieur de la Louisiaria, etc., II, 298, 
328, 384. 

4. His memoir, shows that in his opinion. Louisiana included very 
little territory beyond the Mississippi. 

62 



this intervening strip. This could easily be done, for, under 
Spanish control, immigrants would flock in from Europe and 
America, as was clearly shown by the conditions on the Washita. 
The fur trade and other industries would thus pass into the hands 
of .Spanish subjects. The American government, he believed, 
was doing nothing to advance American settlement. The forest 
Americans (back-woodsmen) were not comparable to the robust 
French as emigrants, while the American government, ready to 
make sacrifices to preserve the peace, would never adopt a polic> 
of warlike expansion. It was a most favorable opportunity for 
Spain to seize a strategical position to resist American advance- 
ment.^ 

Although Robin was not greatly mistaken in saying that the 
American government did little to advance settlement to the west- 
ward, it IS needless to point out that he was entirely wrong in his 
judgment of the fitness of American citizens, and especially 
the backwoodsmen, for colonization. Nevertheless, he seems to 
have impressed Casa Calvo with his reasoning, and the latter and 
his secretary, Armesto, requested him to favor them with his 
opinion upon the limits of Louisiana. He departed from New 
Orleans upon a second tour to the westward ; and after consulta- 
tion of documents and of the best informed persons in the 
province, he prepared a memoir and forwarded it to the Marquis 
from Attakapas.*^ 

The m.emoir of Robin strongly justified the later position of 
the Spaniards towards American explorations. Following this, 
on July 6, 1804, Casa Caivo issued a passport to Juan Minor, a 
resident of Natchez, to visit Bahia and San Antonio, in Texas, 
upon necessary royal business, of which the character w'as not 
stated.''' This, however, was given in a letter of instructions sent 
by Captain-General Salcedo at Chihuahua to Governor Elgue- 
zabal of Texas. This letter stated that Minor had been commis- 
sioned by Casa Calvo to pass from Natchitoches to mark the 

£. Robin, III, 117, 118. 

6. The memoir beg"ins on pag'e 141 of Volume III of his Voyages. 

7. Passport to Juan Minor, N. O., July 6, 1804. Bexar Archives. 
Minor had served with Ellicott as Spanish representative upon the 
Southern Boundary Commission. Later he was an important friend of 
Aaron Burr. 

63 



boundary line of Louisiana,, after a due examination of the rivers 
and of the coast, Salcedo instructed the governor, upon the ap- 
pearance of Minor, to examine closely his commission, orders, and 
instructions ; to have him state clearly what he had thus far done ; 
and to show his means for carr}ing- his plans into execution. He 
was especially to declare his citizenship ; if he claimed to be a sub- 
ject of the king, he was to be furnished a guard to Chihuahua, if 
of the United States, he was not to be permitted to enter the 
province. In his reply^ the governor echoed his superior's suspi- 
cions regarding Minor, and promised to obey his injunctions. 

On the 4th*of September Ugarte, at Nacogdoches, reported to 
ElguezabaP that he was watching closely the movements of Minor. 
On September 13, Minor presented himself at Nacogdoches, but 
he claimed that he had merely verbal instructions to pass from that 
place to the Trinity, to descend this river and explore the neigh- 
boring creeks and bays, and make a map for Casa Calvo.^^ Later, 
the governor of Texas^^ advised Ugarte to detain him at Nacog- 
doches, to await Salcedo's pleasure. On the 21st of the following 
November the governor again informed Salccdo^^ that Juan 
Minor and two others, one of whom was Hugo Coyle, an Irish 
surveyor, had directed written petitions asking to be admitted into 
Texas ; but that he had ordered Minor to await Salcedo's deter- 
mination. Evidently it was well that he did so, for he later learned 
from Salcedo that the latter withdrew the permission given Minor 
to survey the boundary. ^-^ The attitude of Salcedo from the very 
first emphasized the fact that the Texas officials were jealous of 
Casa Calvo, and were going as far as they dared in thwarting his 
plans. 

The next move of the Spaniards on the frontier seemed relig- 
ious rather than political, for it was a pastoral visit paid by the 
Bishop of Nuevo Leon, in whose diocese Texas belonged, to the 
town and garrison of Natchitoches, where he was respectfully 

8. Elg'uezabal to Salcedo, Aug-ust 29, 1804. Bexar yirchives. 

9. Ugarte to Elffuezabal, September 4, 1804. Bexar Archives. 

10. Ugarte to Elguezabal, October 1, 1804. Bexar Archives. 

11. Elguezabal to Salcedo, October 10, 1804. Bexar Archives. 

12. Elguezabal to Salcedo, November 21, 1804. Bexar Archives. 

13. Governor of Texas to Salcedo, Dec. 5, 1804. Bexar Archives. 

64 



received by Captain Turner, as the Bishop himself reported^* 
"with the honors of a general." The Bishop further added that 
although he himself was verv reserved and politic in his conversa- 
tions, the French complained unceasingly of their situation under 
the new government. The malcontents expressed the desire to 
emigrate to Texas, which "those republicans" (the Americans) 
already claimed as far as the Rio Grande. Governor Claiborne, 
v;ho was deeply impressed with the fact that the Bishop kept a 
journal in whicli he recorded the latitude of many of the places 
visited and the results of his minute inquiries regarding the 
geography of Louisiana, and that upon leaving Natchitoches he 
took the most direct route to the City of Mexico, characterized his 
visit as political rather than ecclesiastical.' '" 

In the lo} alty of the Indians the Captain-General at Chihuahua 
had a far more important frontier object to occupy his attention 
than a mere uncertain boundary line, and he was determined to 
lose no time in useless explorations while this object remained 
unattained. Acting upon his suggestion, in the fall of 1804, the 
governor of Xew ^lexico despatched a force of fifty-two men. 
under Pedro Mdal and Jose Calvert, to visit the Panana (Paw- 
nees), Lobos ( Pawnee-Loups), and Ottoes, dwelling upon the 
Missouri. Napeste (Napestle=Arkansas), Kansas, and Chato 
(Platte?). The express object of this visit was to make peace 
with them and to prevent them from trading with the Americans. 
Earlv in November the expedition returned, because attacked near 
the Arkansas by a large force of Indians. Although the Span- 
iards did not know to what tribes the attacking party belonged, 
they reported their suspicion that their opnonents had been 
seduced by American gifts. LJndeterred by this failure. Salcedo 
planned for the next year a second and larger expedition.^'' 

The matter of presents for the Indians on the IMissouri reap- 



14. Bishop of Nuevo Leon to Viceroy. Juue 20. 1804. Bexar 
Archives. 

15. Claiborne to Madison, June 6, 1805. Claiborne Correspondence^ 
III. In 1836, the Mexican Minister to the United States, claimed that 
this visit was evidence that Spain still exercised political jurisdiction as 
far as the Arroyo Hondo and Red. Cf. Doctimentos para la Historia de- 
Mexico. Ser. 1, Tomo VI. 

16. Salcedo to Governor of New Mexico, Oct. 24, 1804; Jan. 16. 1805. 
Xe:i< Mexico Archives. 

65 



peared in Salcedo's correspondence during the year 1805. while 
the determination to break up any commerce between them and 
the Americans became strengthened by the arrival in New Mexico 
of several French and American trappers, who had drifted from 
the valley of the Missouri to that of the Rio Grande.^''' On No- 
vember 27, 1805, a second expedition of twenty-five men, under 
Juan Lucero, left Taos, to carry on the work undertaken by A'^idal 
the year before. In eleven days they reached the Cayguas 
(Kiowas), whom they found disposed to make peace with the 
Spanish authorities, and through this tribe they took measures to 
make peace witli the Comanches also, and for this purpose to bring 
them to Santa Fe. In forming this alliance, Salcedo wrote that 
the New Mexican authorities should insist absolutely upon one 
condition — the Indians must not trade vdth the Americans or 
English. Measures should be taken to encourage the fur trade in 
the direction of Santa Fe and to send Vidal and Calvert again to 
the Pawnees to learn who had attacked them the year before. ^'^ 
Salcedo was thoroughlv impressed with the advisability of gaining 
Indian support, and was determined to make each frontier expedi- 
tion accomplish as much as possible in this direction. 

The shifting motives and the jealousy that ruled among the 
vSpanish ofificials at New Orleans and at Chihuahua is illustrated 
by the conduct of Casa Calvo and of Salcedo. Casa Calvo, to 
emphasize his function as boundary commissioner, sends a subor- 
dinate to gather data on the Texas frontier, while Salcedo's under- 
lings refuse to admit him into the province. Salcedo, distrusting 
the fidelity of his native allies, gives his entire attention to 
gaining and retaining Indian support. The boundary commis- 
sioner, anxious for the success of his special mission, grants a 
passport to an American exploring party, for he may thus indi- 
rectly gain valuable information for himself. Salcedo, with the 
Indian problem looming up ever greater on his provincial horizon, 
refuses to honor his associate's passport, and takes immediate 
measures 10 thwart the exploration. In this see-saw of purpose 
and action may be seen one of the minor reasons for Spanish 
colonial inefificiencv. Had it not been matched bv official inaction 



17. See Chapter XII. 

18. Salcedo to Governor of New Mexico, June 16, 1806. New 
Mexico Archives. 

66 



at Washington — partially due. it is true, to diplomatic complica- 
tions in Europe — Spanisli power would then and there have disap- 
peared from what is now our great South-West. 

Owing to the rebufif offered to Minor the year before, Casa 
Calvo apparently determined that his next move toward his pecu- 
liar field of exploration should be a personal one. Accordingly, 
in October, 1805. he informed Governor Claiborne that he expected 
to make an excursion to the .Sabine for the purpose of hunting, of 
ascertaining the latitude of the ancient vSpanish establishments of 
Adaes, and of making inquiries concerning some stone posts that 
were supposed to mark the former division line between French 
Louisiana and Spanish Texas. Claiborne regarded the explana- 
tion of the Marquis very much as the latter, a few weeks before, 
had looked upon his representation of Dunbar's objects — as a 
simple pretext to conceal some underhand policy. Nevertheless, 
the Marcjuis had apparently accepted his explanation at its face 
value, granted the passport, and appointed his representative to 
accompany the Red River Expedition : so now Claiborne did not 
feel justified in opposing Casa Calvo's journey. But he took occa- 
sion to ask the Marquis to permit an American officer to join him 
on the frontier of Texas, and the latter readily agreed.'^ 

On October 15, Casa Calvo left New Orleans, having pre- 
viously promised, immediately upon his arrival at Adaes. to notify 
Ceptain Edward Turner, the American officer selected to accom- 
pany him. To this officer Claiborne issued the necessary instruc- 
tions for ascertaining the geographical position of Adaes, and its 
former relation to the neighboring French, and for examining the 
supposed locality of the stone posts and their importance. He 
was to inquire if a line of demarcation, completely or in part, had 
ever been established between the French and the Spanish, and if 
any French settlements were formerly located upon the Red River 
beyond the places then held by the Americans.^" These instruc- 
tions were comprehensive enough, but Turner never had the op- 
portunity to use them. The wily Marquis had no idea of allowing 
unwelcome members to join his party. 

19. Claiborne to Madison, Oct. 14, 1805. Claiborne Correspondence, 
III; Id. to Id. Jan. 7, 1806. Claib. Correspondence, IV. 

20. Claiborne to Turner, Oct. 14, 1805. Claiborne Correspondence, III. 

67 



A comparatively simple motive probably dictated the policy of 
Casa Calvo in making this journey. His reason for being in New 
Orleans was to act as boundary commissioner, and for this pur- 
pose he was drawing, for the second year, a comfortable allow- 
ance from the Spanish exchequer. Doubtless it occurred to him 
that it would be necessary to make some such excursion, in order 
to show his home government, as well as the United States offi- 
cials, the necessity for his continued existence at New Orleans. 
Incidentally, he may have purposed to enter into some relation 
with the Indian tribes on the frontier, and to turn to the advantage 
of his royal master the discontent which was understood to exist 
among the Creoles of the territory. If possible, he wished to form 
a settlement of these people on the Trinity River in Texas."^ 

With regard to his main purpose, we find that Casa Calvo took 
especial pains to inform the other Spanish officials, including Casa 
Yrujo at Philadelphia. On the 8th of December he notified Gov- 
ernor Cordero, of Texas,^- that he was beyond the Neches River 
for the purpose of making observations regarding the boundary 
line, and that he should in the course of his journey visit Orco- 
quisac, Nacogdoches, Adaes, and Natchitoches, and he requested 
a hundred animals for the transportation of his party and provi- 
sions. The governor sent this request to the Captain-General, 
Salcedo, who ordered him to be reasonably supplied within the 
lim.its of the royal treasury. Later in the month Salcedo wrote 
Cordero,^-' ordering him as above to furnish a reasonable supply 
of horses to the Marquis, while the latter was engaged in his 
boundary survey ; but he must not permit too many to be taken 
from Texas into Louisiana. From these letters it would seem 
that the Texas authorities fully believed Casa Calvo to be engaged 
in some important undertaking concerning the boundary, or at any 
rate that they did not dare to refuse his personal request. 



21. See Claiborne Correspondence, IV, Claiborne to Madison, Jan. 7, 
1806, in which the former reports the failure of this plan on account of 
dissatisfaction with the lands in question. He also reports that meas- 
ures were taken by Casa Calvo to establish his colony, and as the bound- 
ary was still unsettled, this was an unfriendly act and the President 
should take immediate steps to break up this settlement. 

22. Casa Calvo to Cordero, Dec. 8, 1805. Bexar Archives. 

23. Salcedo to Cordero, Jan. 7, 28, 1806. Bexar Archives. 

68 



Meanwhile rumors were current at New Orleans concerning 
very different purposes of the Marquis. He was believed to have 
taken with him a considerable sum of money for the conciliation of 
the Indians or for the payment of troops that were to meet him on 
ihe frontiers of Texas. The report of the discontent among- the 
Creoles of the frontier and the arrival of additional Spanish troops 
at Nacogdoches-^ did not tend to remove these fears. Claiborne 
at first seemed to believe that he had no object hostile to the United 
States, but later that his taking many goods for the Indian trade 
had a probable national significance. The secretary of the terri- 
tory, Graham, who was acting as governor during Claiborne's 
absence in Attakapas, voiced the prevalent fears and distrust in a 
letter to Madison. January 2. i(So6. He stated that the Marquis 
was tampering with the Indians, and that he had not yet gone 
where he said, although he had been longer absent than they had 
been led to believe would be the case. While Graham did not 
wish to raise any improper suspicions against Casa Calvo, yet he 
believed that he and the other Spaniards lingering in the province 
were its most dangerous enemies, and should be gotten rid of as 
soon as possible. Three days later Claiborne returned, and on 
January 7 informed Madison that he was pleased to know of the 
President's determination to urge the Spanish officers to a final 
departure, and that he would endeavor to carry it out without dis- 
cussion. The continued absence of Casa Calvo rendered his 
whereabouts uncertain: but he should endeavor to ascertain this, 
and by special messenger dispatch the order for his departure, to 
prevent his return through the city, where his enforced leaving 
might excite a commotion among his adherents. Two days later 
he reported an additional reason for hastening the departure of 
the Marquis, in the fact that while the latter was in La Fourche 
County he circulated the report that all the territory would soon 
revert to Spain, and thus unsettled the minds of the Creoles in that 
region.^-'' 

On January 17 Claiborne sent to Captain George T. Ross, of 
the New Orleans Volunteers, in search of Casa Calvo, to inform 
him of his dismissal from the province by order of the President 

24. Claiborne Correspondence, III, Nov. 11, 180.S. 

25. Claiborne Correspondence, IV. 

69 



of the United States, as a measure of precaution following the 
failure to adjust existing differences, and in view of recent hostile 
preparations along the Louisiana frontiers. In addition, Clai- 
borne instructed Major Porter, in command of the United States 
troops at Natchitoches, to prevent, if necessary, by force, the 
return of Casa Calvo through his jurisdiction-^*^ Claiborne seemed 
fully determined to get rid of his unwelcome guest. 

Meanwhile, from the Spanish officers came reports of Casa 
Calvo's expedition and its objects. Through Felix Trudeaux, the 
spy residing in Natchitoches. Sebastian Rodriguez, the Spanish 
commandant of Nacogdoches, learned that the Americans were 
closely watching Casa Calvo, then along the Orcoquisac (Trin- 
ityj.^^ On January i8 Casa Calvo, in company with Rodriguez, 
left Nacogdoches for Natchitoches.^^ If we may credit the latter, 
it was during this period that Casa Calvo took occasion to suggest 
an immediate uprising of the inhabitants of Louisiana against the 
Americans, with the co-operation of the Spanish forces from 
Texas ; and the Marquis seemed to have made a hearty convert of 
the Captain.^^ It will not do to lay too much stress upon this 
warlike attitude of all Spanish frontier officials, for we find that 
Rodriguez's advocacy of the plan and his accompanving of Casa 
Calvo to Natchitoches, led to his suspension from command for a 
year.^^ In general, the Spanish authorities were loath to assume 
an aggressively hostile attitude toward the United States. Of 
course, jealousy of Casa Calvo, in a measure, may have dictated 
this policy toward Rodriguez. 

As late as April 9 we find an order sent to Viana, then in com- 
mand at Nacogdoches, to permit Casa Calvo to take none of the 
horses furnished him into Louisiana, for the news had arrived 
that his functions as boundary commissioner had been sus- 
pended."'* However, Casa Calvo had already left Nacogdoches ; 
and in some way missing Captain Ross and failing to be detained 



26. Claiborne Correspondence , IV. 

27. Rodriguez to Cordero, December 19, 1805. Bexar Archives. 

28. Viana to Cordero, January 18, 1806. Bexar Archives. 

29. Rodriguez to Cordei'o, March 4, 1806. Bexar Archives. 

30. See Pike: Journal, etc., 241, where he mentions meeting him in 
Chihuahua, in April, 1807. 

31. Calderon to Viana, April 19, 1806. Bexar Archives. 

70 



by Major Porter.^- he passed through Natchitoches and arrived in 
New Orleans on the night of February 4, 1806.^^ Two days later 
Claiborne informed him of the desire of the President to have him 
leave at once, and despite the indignant protests of the Marquis, 
followed a firm but urbane correspondence by transmitting a pass- 
port on the 1 2th, and this final hint necessitated the departure of 
the Marquis on the 15th. 

Casa Calvo's desire to justify his expedition led him to send to 
Casa Yrujo a sketch of the important results of his visits to the 
Sabine and vicinity. The Spanish minister himself was then a 
persona non grata to the American government, and doubtless 
sympathized with his companion in distress. His summary of 
Casa Calvo's communication to himself was intercepted and, now 
reposing in the State Department, its language probably forms the 
best explanation of Casa Calvo's motive for exploring the Louis- 
iana-Texas frontier :^^ 

"Although I suppose the Marquis Casa Calvo has informed your 
Excellency of the results of his examination, lately made on the 
frontiers of Texas, yet as his despatches may have been miscarried, it 
appears to me proper to repeat to your Excellency the very important 
information which he has communicated to me from Pensacola, before 
his departure for Havana. It is that from documents which he has seen 
in the Mission of San Miguel de los Adayes, and from the book of the 
register of births, marriages, etc., it results that Spain has been in the 
uninterrupted possession of that territory for more than eighty-five 
years, and that the dividing line between old Louisiana and the Province 
of Texas has always been in the Arroyo Hondo. This is two and a half 
leagues to the west of Natchitoches. These documents prove the pre- 
tensions of the American Government to be unfounded and will show 
that in these pretensions, it has looked only to its proper convenience 
and in no degree to justice, as a Government which boast so much of its 
virtue ought to have done." 

The letter strongly confirms Casa Calvo's statement of his pur- 
pose to Claiborne. It contains little to justify the latter's suspi- 
cions of inciting insurrection or the jealous fears of the Spanish 
officials that the Marquis sought to embroil the frontier garrisons 

32. A report from a Lieutenant Burke of Mississippi, published in 
the Baltimore Tclcgraphc and Daily Advertiser, March 22, 1806, says 
that Porter ordered both Casa Calvo and Rodriguez out of the province. 

Z2>. Gayarre, History of Louisiana, IV, 131, 132. 

34. Casa Yrujo to Cevallos, June 30, 1806. Spanish Notes I. Bureau 
of Indexes and Archives. 



in hostilities with the Americans. Yet testimony against the 
Marquis is strong upon both of these points, and he may have 
desired, in the event of losing his position as boundary commis- 
sioner, to play a more important role in a border struggle which 
he himself had precipitated. Apparently he believed such a 
struggle inevitable, and he knew that his former rule had endeared 
him to the Creoles. By forcing the issue he would thus more 
surely attsin future prominence. 

We have already mentioned that Salcedo suggested a small 
expedition to the Pawnees in the spring of 1806. The threatened 
irruption of American traders and explorers caused the Captain- 
General to expand greatly his original plan. He must not only 
make peace with the Indians, but he must also make upon their 
minds a lasting impression that would efface any former contempt 
felt for the Spaniards, and overshadow any counter-demonstration 
of the Americans. In addition the expedition was to stop all ex- 
ploring parties, or unauthorized traders and settlers, and to cause 
them to retire within the acknowledged limits of the United States. 
To accomplish this important double object he needed a more 
imposing force than the modest one that had accompanied Vidal 
Gi Lucero, and when his expedition did finally leave, it was one of 
the most important ever sent out from New Mexico. 

About the middle of June, 1806, the expedition, consisting of 
one hundred regular troops from the province of New Biscay and 
five hundred New Mexico militia, under the command of Lien- 
tenant Don Facundo Malgares, set out from Santa Fe for the 
Pawnee country. The commander of the expedition bore a triple 
commission. In the first place, despite the previous claim of Sal- 
cedo that the Spanish authorities were thoroughly acquainted with 
the territory as far as the Missouri, Malgares was directed thor- 
oughly to explore this. A second and more direct commission was 
to interce])t Freeman's party, if it should escape the force of 
Viana, sent from Nacogdoches to intercept it f^ and to do the 
same with Lieutenant Pike's party, of which information had just 
reached Salcedo. Finally, and doubtless most important from 
Salcedo's point of view, he was to visit the Comanches, Pawnees, 
and the Kansas, impress them with the strength of the Spanish 

.I';. See pas^'-e K.^. 

72 



aims, and make firm and lasting^ peace with them."^'' With his 
mounted force and extra animals, forming- an imposing cavalcade 
of some 2,000 beasts, with provisions for six months, and with an 
intelligent and decisive commander of great wealth, liberality and 
experience, the expedition was well calculated to impress the untu- 
tored minds of the natives and forestall American intervention. 
The material contrast between this force of the expiring vice roy-^ 
alty and the modest American parties that were moving uo the] 
western nvers is suggestive of much that is typical of the two' 
peoples. 

Leaving the valley of the Rio Grande they descended the Red 
River (i. e., the Canadian), for a distance of 233 leagues, and on 
their way met and held conferences with important bands of the 
Commanches. The principal meeting with the savages must have 
been an impressive one. With 500 men. all mounted on white 
horses, and himself and two principal officers on jet black ones, 
Malgares and his troop were received by 1.500 of the Commanches, 
dressed in their gayest robes. Such a spectacle was calculated to 
impress the natives more than the apparently idle tales of Lewis or 
Pike about a great father at Washington, whose only representa- 
tives were a handful of nondescript frontiersmen and soldiers. 
Those of us who look back over a century of histor}' can readily 
perceive the hollow mockery of the Spanish display, but the 
Comanches of the western plains could not then interpret its 
meaning. 

After making a favorable impression upon the Comanches and 
sternly repressing an incipient mutiny among the New Mexico 
militia, Malgares struck across the country to the Arkansas. A 
wandering party of Pawnee-Mahas relieved him of part of his 
live stock, and he had to leave some 240 of his men with the lame 
horses, while with the remainder he pressed on to the country of 
the Pawnees. Here he held council with two of the tribes, and 
presented them with medals and flags. The Pawnees later told 
Pike that the Spanish leader said he was not empowered to make 
final treaties with them, but that in the following spring his supe- 

36. For the details of the Malgares Expedition see Pike, Account of 
an Expedition, etc., 142, 143, 144, note. (1810 Edition); and Cones 
(Edition 1895) 410-414, 536, 537, 543, 583, 754. 

73 



rior would come for that purpose with a large force. Owing to 
the condition of his horses and the discontent of his men, Malgares 
did not press on to the other Pawnees or to the Kansas. Possibly, 
as Pike suggests, his men, now upon the scene of the massacre of 
Villazur's force in 1720,''''' could with difficulty be restrained from 
wreaking vengeance upon the descendants of the guilty Pawnees 
and thus defeating Salcedo's scheme for winning the support of 
these Indians. Evidently Malgares made some impression upon 
them, and promised to return and erect a town ; but this impression 
was not lasting enough to lead them to obey his definite instruc- 
tions to turn back Pike's party, if he should come thither, as he 
did a few weeks later. 

After taking into custody a few American traders found 
among these Indians, Malgares retraced his route to Santa Pe, 
where he arrived the early part of October, and was obliged to 
remain, because his horses were used up. His diario was duly for- 
warded to Salcedo."^^ but it is doubtful if the partly executed task 
gave that chief any satisfaction. Thus ended the final important 
effort of a divided and decaying power to stem the tide of Amer.- 
can expansion by means of Indian allies. Mutual jealousies, un- 
certain purposes, and inadequate resources wastefully expended — 
such form the final chapter of Spanish exploration upon the 
American continent. 



37. Bandelier, A. F., Papers of the Archaelogical Institute of 
America, V, 179-206. 

38. Allencaster to Salcedo, Oct. 8, 1806. New Mexico Archives. 
Pike afterward found at Natchitoches many of the American traders 
arrested by Malgares (Coues, Pike, II, 414). 



74 



CHAPTER VIII. 

THE BID FOR THE SUPPORT OF THE RED RIVER 

INDIANS. 

While arranging the personnel of the exploring party and try- 
ing to tie the hands of Spanish frontier officials by means of Casa 
Calvo's passport. President Jefferson and his advisers were not 
unmindful of the third factor necessary to secure the success of 
the expedition — the good will of the Indians dwelling along ihe 
Red River. 

Before the Americans took possession of Louisiana, Sibley 
reported the Caddoes as anxiously inquiring about their coming, 
for their presence meant higher prices for furs. A few months 
after they obtained possession, Captain Turner, the commanding 
officer at Natchitoches, wrote Governor Claiborne^ that he b-\ 
received a visit from the Caddo^ Indians, who said that the Span- 
iards used to give them a present each year, and they wished to 
receive the same from the Americans. A few gifts from Turner 
satisfied them temporarily, but the request opened a problem of 
grave importance in American frontier policy. Claiborne renorted 
the matter to Madison,'* gave a brief description of the tribe, and 
said that he should invite them to New Orleans. A later letter 
from Turner informed Claiborne of the privilege enjoyed by 
Murphy and Davenport in trading with the Spanish Indians. As 
this trade included the privilege of supplying them with ammuni- 
tion, the 7\mericans, in case of difficulty with the Spaniards, might 
feel its evil effects. Accordingly, he recommended the immed'ate 
establishment of American factories to divert the Indians from the 
Spaniards. 

While Captain rurner was ajiproaching the subject of Indian 



1. Sibley to Claiborne, Oct. 10, 1803, Jefferson Papers, Ser. 2, Vol. 
76, No. 5. Turner to Claiborne, July 6, 1804, Claiborne Correspondence. 

2. These Indians were the Caddadachos of the Spaniards and the 
Cadadoquis of the French. 

3. Turner to Claiborne, Aug-. 30, 1804, Claiborne Correspondence. 

75 



relations through Governor Claiborne. Dr. Sibley was making 
similar representations directl}^ to the President, and was likewise 
giving a political bias to his communications. In his letter of 
September 2, 1804,^^ he insinuated that, with but few exceptions, 
all of the civil and military officers of the United States in the new 
territory were not attached to the administration ; and their openly 
expressed opposition had a bad effect upon its inhabitants. He 
especially charged "a deranged officer at this post said to enjoy 
the favor of the commanding officer" (Captain Turner) as guilty 
of this pr^icticc. as well as that of supplying necessities to the gar- 
rison at exorbitant prices. 

With reference to the Indian trading company of Murphy and 
Davenport, all of the members of which had once been citizens of 
the United .States, or were still, he stated that they carried on their 
operations through a Spanisli officer at Nacogdoches, Texas. 
Naturally this company and the Spanish officer did all in their 
power to excite the Indians against the United States. If the 
trade could be turned into the proper channel, and be supplied 
from an American post on the Red River, the Indians, and espe- 
cially the Pawnees and Comanches, might become fast friends of 
the Americans. 

The necessity of .some action of this sort was emphasized by 
later reports^ that the Aish Indians of Texas, instigated by the 
Spaniards, were trying to persuade the Casados, a small tribe on 
the Sabine, to move over the river, and were threatening to exter- 
minate them, if they did not. An American settler near the head 
of the same river was warned by the Cousate' to move from that 
locality, as the Spaniards were stirring up all the border Indians 
to hostilities. In view of these acts, it became increasingly im- 
portant to attach the Caddoes to the American side. Claiborne 
made a vigorous representation to Casa Calvo, and the latter 
promised to report the facts to the Spanish commanders, although 
he was persuaded that they were merely exaggerated rumors of 
interested traders. Claiborne bade Turner use all possible means 

3a. Jefferson Papers, Series 2, Vol. 76, No. 7. 

4. Turner to Claiborne, Sept. 9 and Oct. 13, 1804. Claiborne Corre- 
spondence, II. 

5. The Aish were the same a.s the Acs and the Cousate. the 
Cushatta or Koasati. 

76 



to conciliate the Indians and to ^g^ive small trifles to those who were 
honest and well disposed; but he could not confer authority to 
make greater presents. Still, Turner might regale the Caddoes 
to the extent of $200. Later an attempt of the Spaniards to sum- 
mon a general Indian council failed, because of mutual disagree- 
ment and leeHng of contempt which these Indians seemed to feel 
toward their former masters.*' 

Following- Claiborne's representations, and Sibley's political 
finesse, and as a sequence to the creation of Orleans territory, in 
December, 1804, Secretary Dearborn forwarded to the Doctor''^ a 
request to act occasionally as agent for the United States in hold- 
ing conferences with the various Indians of his vicinity. He was 
to attempt to keep them well disposed toward the American gov- 
ernment by a judicious distribution of some $3,000 worth of mer- 
chandise. 

The first effect of these changes seems to have been to unsettle 
Indian affairs, for Claiborne's new instructions did not permit him 
to interfere, while the functions of the new agent were greatly 
circumscribed. Traders passed to the Indian tribes with very 
little restraint, except from the frontier commandants, who at- 
tempted to keep the trade simply one in peltries with the Indians, 
and not a concealed horse trade with the Spaniards. Then, too, 
there was some question in Louisiana regarding Dr. Sibley's 
fitness for his position, but this was apparently explained away to 
the satisfaction of the Washington authorities. Early in the fol- 
lowing spring Sibley produced the first result of his appointment 
in the form of a report upon the Indian tribes of his vast district. 
In his commendation of this report Claiborne again counseled him 
to pay particular attention to the Caddoes, who seemed to have 
influence over the others and were well disposed toward the 
Americans.^ 

On the 23rd of the following May, Dearborn expressed his 
gratification at the receipt of this report,^ and added: 



6. Claiborne Correspondence, II, Oct. 3, Nov. 3, 7 and 21, 1804. 

7. Dearborn to Sibley, Indian Office, Letter Book B, 30, Bureau of 
Indian Affairs. 

8. Claiborne Correspondence, III, Jan. 27 and 29, March 25, and 
June 10, 1805. 

9. Indian Office, Letter Book B, 80. For Sibley's report see Annals, 
9 Cong. 2, 1078 fF. 

77 



"At all times use all means to conciliate the Indians generally, and 
more especially such natives as might, in case of a rupture with Spain, 
be useful or mischievous to us. None ought to ctigage youf attention so 
early as those who reside in the immediate vicinity of the Bay of St. 
Bernard, and from your description of their present temper and dispo- 
sition, it will require no great exertion to draw them firmly to the inter- 
ests of the United States. They may be assured that they and all other 
red people within the limits of the United StatesW will be treated with 
undeviating friendship as long as they shall conduct themselves fairly 
and with good faith towards the Government and the citizens of the 
United States." 

This letter, significant for its territorial claims as well as for 
the Indian policy outlined, closed with the suggestion that Sibley 
prepare the minds of those Indians in the vicinity of the Red 
River, Attakapas, and Opelousas, for a proposed land survey by 
the United States government. If it should be necessary to run 
lines through their lands, in order to make the survey complete, 
they were not to be alarmed. "Not an acre will be taken," the 
Secretary affirmed, "except with payment and treaty under the 
auspices of the United States and free concession on their part." 
At the same time Jefiferson wrote to Claiborne that "their rights 
and comfort would be sacredly cherished. "^*^^ 

Not merely in the far Southwest, but also at St. Louis, the 
American officials devoted themselves to the policy of winning the 
native inhabitants of their new possessions. Dearborn impressed 
upon General Wilkinson, ^^ as he had done upon Sibley, the impor- 
tance of gaining the friendship and esteem of the Indians and of 
preserving harmony between them and the settlers and the sol- 
diers. From St. Louis this implied a double task, not merely to 
win them from Spanish allegiance, but also to undermine the hold 
of the British traders of the north. In this latter and far more 
difficult task Lewis and Clark were doing royal service, in the 
winter of 1804-05, along the headwaters of the Missouri ;^'- and in 
the following winter Lieutenant Pike won his first reputation in a 



10. The italics in this extract are those of the author. In a letter 
of Oct. 17, 1805, giving Sibley a commission as permanent agent. Dear- 
born hopes that Sibley has made a "proper impression" upon the 
Indians near St. Bernard's Bay {Indian Office, Letter Book B, 2). 

10a. Jefferson Papers, Series 1, Vol. 10, No. 300. 

11. IVilkinson Papers, II, April 19, 1805. 

12. See Chapter III. 

78 



like service on the headwaters of the Mississippi.^^ By May, 
1806, Wilkinson reported'^ the Sioux, Pawnees, Kickapoos, and 
others as ready to enter into commercial relations with American 
traders, and to stren^^then this impression he selected his protegee 
Pike for a second and more arduous expedition, leading him far 
within the Spanish sphere of influence.^''' 

In the report mentioned above, Sibley estimated the fighting 
strength of some thirty tribes between the Arkansas and Rio 
Grande (not including the Comanches) at 2,800 warriors. The 
number and strength of the Indians surprised the President,*" 
and doubly impressed him with the intelligence and industry of 
Sibley as an offtcer and the importance of retaining the friendship 
of these natives. Accordingly, October 17, 1805, Sibley was made 
a regular agent, furnished with the customary goods for trading, 
and urged to induce some of the prmcipal chiefs, especially of the 
Caddoes, to visit Washington, or at least New Orleans.*"^ 

From the other side of the border^ Salcedo had already issued 
instructions*^ to prevent the removal of Indians from Texas into 
Louisiana, and by every means possible to keep them faithful to 
Spanish allegiance. During the following year from each group 
of frontier officials came recriminations*^ against the unfair deal- 
ings of the other with the Indians, and of unauthorized incursions 
within the disputed territory. On the whole, the advantage in the 
contest for savage allies seemed to rest with the Americans ; for, 
on the 1 6th of July, 1805, Salcedo wrote Iturrigaray^o that he 
should need at least 150 extra men to cope with the Indian machi- 
nations of the "revolutionist. Dr. Sikbley," and in addition, he 
suggested that Casa Calvo should request the United States 



13. See Chapter X. 

14. Wilkinson Papers, II, May 27, 1806. 

15. See Chapter XI. 

16. Washington (Ed.), Writings of Jefferson, IV, 580-81; Jefferson 
Papers, Series 1, Vol. 10, No. 300. 

17. Indian Office, Letter Book B, 122. 

18. Salcedo to Governor of Texas, July 7, Aug-. — , 1804. Bexar 
Archives. 

19. See American State Papers, Foreign delations, 11,690, 691; Sal- 
cedo to Iturrig-aray, Aug. 20, 1805; Dionisio Valle to Cordero, Oct. 3, 1805. 
Bexar Archives. 

20. Salcedo to Iturrigaray, July 16, 1805. Bexar Archives. 

79 



authorities to cease such proceedings. In later letters to the gov- 
ernor of Texas"^ urging that official to redouble his efforts to 
retain the friendship of the Indians, and outlining a policy of 
Indian trade on the Trinity, he gave vent to a most bitter tirade 
against the Indian policy of the new government of Louisiana 
Territory. "Only a declaration of war," he savagely concluded, 
"will reveal the perfidy of its emissaries among the Indians." If 
his anger and alarm were so strongly aroused by the course of 
affairs on the outskirts of his command, it is no wonder that he 
unhesitatingly refused to sanction an incursion far within what he 
regarded as the undoubted possessions of the Spanish king. Could 
he have known the exact tenor of Jefferson's instructions to Sibley 
and Dunbar, regarding their relations with the Indians, he would 
have been still more firmly convinced, upon that ground alone, of 
the rightfulness of his refusal to countenance the Red River expe- 
dition. 

Meanwhile events in Louisiana were so shaping themselves as 
to nullify the moderate amount of protection afforded by Casa 
Calvo's passport. The action of Governor Claiborne in compel- 
ing the Marquis and his suite to withdraw from New Orleans- 
rendered that document useless. The Americans must now pro- 
tect their exploration themselves, or else abandon it upon the first 
opposition. Dunbar had mentioned the probability,--' if Casa 
Calvo should refuse the passport, that the expedition would be 
stopped a little above Natchitoches, at Bayou Pierre, a small post 
still in Spanish possession, although to the eastward of the 
Sabine. Upon suggestion from the President. Secretary Dear- 
born issued orders to the American patrol in the vicinity of Bayou 
Pierre to protect the expedition beyond that settlement.-'* For 
the remainder of its journey it must rely upon Spanish tolerance — 
an uncertain factor in view of the resentment felt at Casa Calvo's 
expulsion. 

This resentment was still further increased by an event hap- 
pening simultaneously on the Sabine frontier. During the pre- 



21. Salcedo to Cordero, Oct. 8 and 22, 1805. Bexar Archives. 

22. See Chapter VII. 

23. Jefferson Papers, Series 2, Vol. 28, No. 69. 

24. Jefferson Papers, Series 1, Vol. 11, No. 95. 

80 



ceding autumn small Spanish detachments had been thrown to the 
eastward of that river, and one of these had penetrated as far as 
the ancient Spanish post of Adaes, abandoned some thirty years 
before.^'' After attempting to get some assurance from the Span- 
ish commandant at Nacogdoches that these forces would be with- 
drawn and no farther raids permitted, Major Porter, commanding 
at Natchitoches, ordered Captain Turner, on the ist of February, 
to advance with sixty men to the vicinity of Adaes, where he 
would probably fall in with a "stationary body of armed Span- 
iards." I'his force he was to compel, if possible without blood- 
shed, to retreat beyond the Sabine. Turner fell in with a detach- 
ment of some twenty men under Ensign Joseph Maria Gonzales, 
who, after some altercation, agreed to take up his march for the 
Sabine and to send no more patrols on the east side of the river.-" 
Such a direct insult to the Spanish arms, coupled with the lack 
of consideration shown to His Majesty's commissioner and other 
officials, added to the jealous fears of the Spanish Captain-General 
the requisite desire for revenge. This combination of motives 
boded ill for any expedition venturing near the uncertain limits of 
the Internal Provinces, upon the double mission of frontier explo- 
ration and Indian negotiation. Salcedo furthermore took the 
precaution to order a second force from New Mexico, to intercept 
Freeman's party, in case the latter escaped that detailed by the 
governor of Texas.-^ 



25. Gonzales to Rodriguez, Oct. 16, 1806. Bexar Archives. 

26. American State Papers, For. Ret., II, 798, 799. 

27. Coues, The Expeditions of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, I, 412, 



81 



CHAPTER IX. 

FREEMAN'S RED RIVER EXPEDITION. 

As yet the Red River Expedition, planned for October, 1805, 
had not made a start. In a letter to Volney/ dated February 11, 
1806, Jefferson regretted the unavoidable delay; and in his special 
message to Congress." on the iQth. transmitting the report of 
Dunbar and extolling his services, he stated that the exploration 
of the Red River was but just commencing. It was two months 
later, however, before the expedition so hardly, and as events 
proved, so vainly planned for, cast off from Fort Adams and 
swung into the opposing current of the Red River. In addition 
to Mr. Freeman, Dr. Custis and Lieutenant Humphrey, already 
mentioned, the party consisted of Captain Richard Sparks, two 
non-commissioned subalterns, seventeen privates and a black 
servant — a total of twenty-four. Profiting by the experience of 
the previous expedition, the party was borne in two flat-bottomed 
barges and a pirogue, all of light draft It was the intention of 
the explorers to proceed on the Red to the supposed head of navi- 
gation among the Panis (Pawnee) Indians, and thence to take 
horses to the "top of the mountains" in which it was thought to 
'rise, a few miles from Santa Fe. The return trip was to be made 
by the same river, using the same boats ; and thus the toilsome 
difficulty of penetrating to the uncertain head waters of the 
Arkansas, and there reconstructing new boats, was to be avoided. 
It was hoped that the party would be able to bring a complete col- 
lection of specimens from the upper courses of the Red. Later 
the Arkansas was to be explored in the same way."' 

1. Ford, Writifigs of Jefferson, VIII, 426. 

2. Annals 9 Cong., 2, 1037. 

3. The principal source used for the Freeman exploration is, "^« 
Account of the Red River in Louisiana, Draivn up from the Returns of 
Messrs. Freeman & Custis to the War Office of the United States, Who 
Explored the Same, in the Year 1806.''' (Washington, 1806?) This 
account is to be found in the Library of Congress, Miscellaneous 
Pamphlets, Vol. 861, No. 8. The Ivibrary also contains a manuscript 
copy. A summary of the exploration, evidently based upon the above, 
is given in James's Account of an Expedition from Pittsburg to the 
Rocky Mountains, etc., Philadelphia, 1823, Vol. II, pp. 303-314. 

82 



Below Natchitoches the expedition traversed the region of 
which Dr. Sibley had already given a general description,"* based 
upon his travels during 1803 and 1804. The voyagers upon this 
occasion simply noted the scientific data aflforded by the peculiar- 
ities of the river, together with some observations concerning the 
white and Indian settlements upon its immediate banks. At 
Nachitoches they took on additional stores for Indian trade, 
and received a reinforcement which brought their number up to 
thirty-seven. Above this town they began to encounter that 
peculiar river formation of logs, brush and mud, to which the 
name of "raft" was given. On June 7th they encamped at the 
highest white settlement on the river, some forty-five miles above 
Natchitoches. On the next day, while forcing their way through 
a small raft, they were overtaken by an Indian messenger from 
Dr. Siblev. who brought word that a Spanish force had left 
Nacogdoches, in Texas, for the purpose of intercepting them. 
Later in the day the Doctor himself arrived, and held a consulta- 
tion with the leaders of the party, after which they resumed their 
journey. 

The country for some six or eight miles on either side of the 
river was now intersected with lakes and bayous forming marshes 
and swamps, through which a great part of the water of the river 
was dispersed. The main channel of the river was often choked 
with rafts, which became increasingly difficult to remove. On 
the Tith of June they reached the "Great Raft," through which 
for over fifty years no white or Indian canoe had penetrated. 
Upon the advice of their French guide they made a detour of 
about one hundred miles, passing through bayous, creeks, small 
lakes, and swamps, where the navigation at all times was difficult 
on account of shoals, rapid currents and rafts, and occasionally 
dangerous from the falling of decayed timber. The Indian or 
French guides were equally useless for discovering the best way, 
and as a result fourteen davs of valuable time passed before the 
explorers again floated upon the undivided channel of the Red, 
some two hundred miles above Natchitoches. They felt gratified, 
however, in having passed the Great Raft, for the people below 
had lauefhcd at the idea of their doing so with such boats. 



4. Annals 9 Cong., 2, 1089 flf. See pages 51-53. 

83 



Nineteen miles above the spot where the)- re-entered the river 
lay the village of the Coashutta (Coashatta, Coashatay) Indians. 
These, with their neighbors, the Caddoes,''' were agriculturalists 
and in a stage of culture comparable to that of the Cherokees. 
From Natchitoches Sibley had sent out an Indian guide, Talapoon 
by name, to invite the Caddoes to meet the party at the Coashutta 
village. As the explorers were proceeding thither Talapoon and 
a companion met them, bringing information that a party of three 
hundred Spaniards were encamped a few miles back of the Caddo 
village, for the evident purpose of intercepting them. The officer 
commanding this party had asked the Caddo chief if he loved the 
Americans. To this question the chief replied evasively that he 
loved all men, and that the Spaniards must not spill blood on his 
iand. The officer departed without replying, and the perplexed 
chief immediately despatched th.e messenger to Freeman. 

On the 23rd of June they arrived at the Coashutta village, and 
three days later formally presented its chief with an American 
flag, in lieu of the Spanish standard with which he had desired to 
celebrate the expected arrival of the Caddoes. On July ist the 
Indian guests arrived, and were received by the Americans with a 
salute and other formalities. This marked attention had its effect 
upon the savages, who were little accustomed to receive such def- 
erential treatment. This effect was heightened by the skillful way 
in which Freeman explained the wishes of the President regarding 
the Indians, and the difficulties he and his party had already 
encountered in carrying out that policy. His speech pleased the 
chief, who in reply dwelt upon the previous good relations of his 
people with the Frencli and Spaniards, and their determination 
never to shed the blood of white men. He was pleased with what 
he saw of the Americans, and wished them to visit all the tribes 
along the river, at the same time especially commending his 
friends the Panis (Pawnees), and warning the explorers against 
the Osages. On his departure, t)n the 3rd of July, he nromised to 
keep Freeman informed of the movements of the Spaniards, and 
to forbid the latter to interfere with the Americans within a dis- 
tance of fifty leagues above the ancient village of his people — some 
three hundred leagues farther up the river. The Americans en- 

5. See page 75. 

84 



gaged three of the Caddoes to act as guides, spies, or messengers, 
and when these joined the Americans on the loth^ they brought 
word that the Spaniards had retired to the Sabine — a palpable 
ruse pointing to an attack farther up the Red. 

Leaving the Coashutta village on the nth, they passed through 
a most inviting region extending to the mouth of the Little River, 
162 miles above. On the 25th they reached a prairie, upon the 
borders of which was the site of a former Caddo village, and also, 
so their guides reported, a French military post. Of the latter 
the explorers found no other traces than a few cedar pilings. On 
following day three Indian runners from the Caddo chief brought 
news that a force of Spaniards, estimated at 1,100, had entered 
their village, cut down the American flag, insulted their chief, and 
threatened to kill the Americans if they resisted their attempt to 
stop them. The Indians spoke of the Spanish leader as a "bad" 
man, and besoughl tlie Americans to return without encountering 
him. L'pon Freeman's declaring that his instructions were to 
proceed until stopped by a superior force, the Indians chose to go 
with liim, although they were certain they would not return alive. 

C^n the following morning the explorers made a "cache" of 
some of their provisions, ammunition, instruments, and most im- 
portant field notes, and then proceeded on their voyage, taking 
nrecautions to avoid a surprise. At nightfall on the 28th shots 
were heard along the river abo\'e, and the next morning their 
Indian scouts reported the presence of a large force of Spaniards. 
They now proceeded cautiously, with arms in readiness and with 
patrols moving ahead on each bank. The -\merican force pres- 
ently came upon a picket guard of some twenty-two Spaniards, 
who immediately fled. Another turn of the river brought into 
view the Spanish camp, on a bluff half a mile distant. 

The Spanish force sent to intercept the Americans was under 
the command of Don Francisco Viana, adjutant and inspector of 
tlie Internal Provinces, who then commanded the garrison of 
Nacogdoches. A veteran of firm and unbending character,^' he 
was eminentlv fitted for the task before him. Leaving Nacog- 
doches on the 1 2th of July, the force reached the Caddo village, 
as reported above, where they were greeted by the spectacle of an 

6. Cones, Expeditions of Zebitlon Monti^omery Pike, II, 710. 

85 



American flag flaunting- a welcome to them. As the Indians were 
somewhat tardy in removing it, Viana ordered it to be cut down," 
possibly as an object lesson in the method he intended to adopt 
with the exploring force. In his determination to capture, kill or 
drive back the Americans, Viana pressed rapidly forward, and 
now, at a point some 635 miles above the mouth of the Red River, 
lie awaited his expected prey. 

The exploring party halted for dinner at the usual hour, but 
during the somewhat hurried preparation for this meal, they 
descried a large detachment of Spanish horse on the opposite bank, 
coming at full gallop toward them. The majority of the Ameri- 
can force were ordered to take position in the canebrake and 
bushes that lined the bluff, in readiness to fire with the sentinels 
below. Here, concealed from view and in a place inacces- 
sible to the cavalry, they were prepared to give the enemy a severe 
reception. In addition, a non-commissioned officer and six pri- 
vates were so stationed as to be in the rear of the Spaniards when 
the latter crossed the river. 

Through the river at full speed rode the enemy, and, disre- 
garding the challenge of the sentinels, pressed toward the boats, 
drawn up on the beach. A second and more menacing warning 
caused them to halt and deploy in line, while their officers came 
forward to confer with Captain Sparks and Mr. Freeman. A 
parley of some three-quarters of an hour ensued. Viana stated 
that he had positive orders to stop the explorers, and to fire upon 
them if they persisted in advancing, before the limits of the two 
countries were defined. Freeman stated the instructions of the 
President to explore the river to its sources, and requested the 
Spaniard to give in writing his reasons for objecting to the 
passage of his party. Viana refused to do this, but asserted upon 
his honor that he was acting under direct orders from his govern- 
ment ; and he peremptorily inquired when the Americans would 
begin their return journey. 

It was evident that Freeman had met with the greatly .superior 
force mentioned in his instructions, although it was Spanish 
and not native.^ Moreover, the difficulties already expe- 



7. Salcedo to Iturrig-aray, Aug^. 25, 1806. Bexar Archives; Balti- 
more Telegraphe and Daily Advertiser^ Oct. 8, 1806. 

8. See page 43. 

86 



rienced with their barges showed the inipracticabihty of a 
farther ascent at this stage of the water. Nor was their supply 
of Indian presents adequate to procure enough horses from the 
Panis (Pawnees), two hundred miles above, to transport their 
party to the mountains. To crown all, they were confronted by 
an overwhelming force, outnumbering their own five to one, and 
although their position and spirit might make the outcome of a 
battle doubtful, their leader bore definite instructions from Presi- 
dent Jefiferson to avoid open hostilities at all hazards. Accord- 
ingly, after consultation with his fellow officers, Freeman replied 
that he would begin his retreat the following day. On the 30th 
the return movement began; on the 8th of August they were at 
the Coashutta village, and by the latter part of tlie month at 
Natchitoches. 

Apparently President Jefferson's plan for the exploration of 
the Louisiana Purchase had utterly failed. The net results of two 
years of careful planning and of unusually liberal government 
expenditure were meagre enough. Dunbar and Hunter had made 
a fairly complete scientific exploration of the Washita. Freeman 
had penetrated the Red some six hundred miles, but this was 
barely as far as actual French occupation had extended, and by no 
means equalled the French explorations of the preceding century. 
Freeman had also estalilished cordial relations with two minor 
Indian tribes, but by almost inunediately yielding to Viana's force, 
he probably compromised in their eyes his government's reputa- 
tion, especially if he liad previously told them that the Spaniards 
had agreed to withdraw their garrisons from all the waters of the 
Mississippi.^ 

The incidents in connection with the stopping of Freeman's 
party gave added fuel to the heated correspondence that for a time- 
threatened to stir up the whole Louisiana frontier.^" In an 
aggressive communication August 26, 1806. Governor Claiborne 
informed Herrera. the Spanish commander, that Freeman and his 
associates were navigating waters wholly within the territory 
ceded bv France to the United States. The fact that thcv were 



9. See pages 41 and 42. 

10. For the correspondence see American State Papers, For. Rel., 
II, 801-804; Mil. Aff., I, 205-206; Wilkinsov Papers, II, Sept. 18, 1806. 



compelled b}' force to return was all the more objectionable, 
because the aim of the expedition was wholly scientific and not 
in the least harmful to Spain. Moreover, its purpose had been 
explained to Casa Calvo, who gave it his passport, and by him 
should have been made known to the Texas authorities. The cut- 
ting down of an American flag- in the Caddo village, which during 
the French occupation of Louisiana had been garrisoned by 
French troops, was a wholly gratuitous insult to the territory and 
government of the United States. In his reply Herrcra denied in 
toto the territorial claims of Claiborne, although with little his- 
torical authority, and stated that the cutting down of the flag had 
been rendered necessary bv the tardy obedience of the Indians. 
Claiborne immediately reiterated his former charges, which he 
claimed that the other had in no sense answered. 

Herrera, unable to announce a final decision, transmitted the 
correspondence to Captain-General Salcedo. His answer of Sep- 
tember i8 accepted the contention of Herrera, that the spot where 
Freeman was stopped never pertained to France. He also at- 
tempted, unfortunately for his historical reputation, to bolster up 
this claim by a reference to a Spanish expedition of 1630, which 
penetrated to the Empalizada(Mississippi),and to that of Teran, in 
T691, which penetrated beyond the Caddoes to Alobile.^^ When 
he took up the subject of Casa Calvo's passport, Salcedo was 
tieading more solid ground, and he speedily showed that he had 
refused to ratify Casa Calvo's action, and had ofi;ered to supply 
the American authorities with any necessary information regard- 
ing the Red, Arkansas, and Missouri. It is probable that the wily 
Marquis never apprised Governor Claiborne of this fact, but Sal- 
cedo was in no way responsible for the omission. 

Brushing aside pretexts based upon territorial claims and use- 
less passports, Salcedo passed to the broader field of international 
courtesy, and stated that no nation ought to break harmonious 
relations with another by introducing armed forces into its terri- 
tory. It was a notorious fact that the Caddoes were Spanish 

11. The best that can be said about the former expedition is that it 
is doubtful if it penetrated within several hundred miles of the Missis- 
sippi, and while the latter did reach tho Red River, Teran did not pene- 
trate beyond it. Texas Hisf. Onarterlv. V, 1%. 



88 



Indians,^- and accordingly, the American force had no business 
to be lingering there. The government of the United States, 
however, as was shown by Dr. Sibley's conduct and the introduc- 
tion of parties along the Missouri, was sparing no means to draw 
the Indians from Spanish allegiance. Thus the conduct of its 
representatives was not in harmony with its general policy. 

The incident regarding the flag, he continued, was capable of 
another interpretation than the one Claiborne put upon it. The 
Indians, after insulting the Spanish flag, had fled from their vil- 
lage upon the approach of the Spaniards, and it had been judged 
necessar}' to give them an object lesson. The flags of both 
nations had been used as articles with which to regale the Indians, 
and as such were open to other than the usual respectful treat- 
ment. He closed his letter, which was a strong ex parte state- 
ment, with H request for mutual peace pending the question of 
limits. We have no record that Claiborne sent a reply, for before 
this was received General Wilkinson was in command on the 
frontier. 

In his sixth annual message of December 2, 1806,^^ Jefferson 
mentioned with a moderate amount of enthusiasm, the successful 
outcome of the Lewis and Clark Expedition and the valuable addi- 
tions made to the knowledge of the Upper Mississippi by Lieu- 
tenant Pike. The attempt up the Red River, though conducted 
with meritable zeal and prudence, had not met with an equal 
degree of success. The President stated that after nroceeding six 
hundred miles up the river, "nearly as far as the French settle- 
ment extended while the coimtry was in their possession, our 
geographers were obliged to return without completing their 
work." Madison believed that this expression had the advantage 
of suggesting a plausible reason for not going on, but that it might 
also imply that the French settlements were the limit of the Amer- 
ican claims. 

The result of Freeman's expedition must have been a bitter 
disappointment to the President, despite his attempt in his annual 
message to gloss it over and persuade others that it strengthened 

12. Dunbar (Journal, 64-66) say.s that the Caddoes " may be consid- 
ered as Spanish Indians", and it was reported that the Spaniards stirred 
them up to enmitj' ag-ainst the Americans. 

13. Ford, Wrilins^s of Jefferson, VIII. 482-495. 

89 



our claim to the Red River." He recommended a small 
annual appropriation for the purpose of continuing the explora- 
tion, and a committee of the House, of which Alston, of South 
Carolina, was chairman, mentioned favorably the geographical 
results from the work of Lewis and Clark on the Missouri, of Pike 
up the Mississippi, and of Freeman up the Red. The report spoke 
of this work as furnishing materials for "commencing" a map of 
the region, pointed out the immense work still to be done in 
exploring the rmaining rivers and mountain ridges forming 
the western boundary, and heartily endorsed the President's 
plan;'"' but an unduly economical Congress took no action. The 
Neutral Ground Agreement between Wilkinson and Herrera,^" 
doubtless led to an abandonment of the Red as the scene of ex- 
ploration. For a time Jefferson cherished the plan of sending 
Freeman and Lieutenant James B. Wilkinson, together with the 
naturalist Wilson, up the Arkansas in 1807, but afterwards, owing 
to a lack of funds, abandoned even this.^'^ Thirteen years were to 
pass before the United States government sent its next formal 
expedition through any portion of the Louisiana Territory ; 
although the President was shortly called upon to adopt and make 
his own the second expedition v/hich Pike was preparing to make 
under Wilkinson's direction. 



14. Ford, Writings of Jefferson, VIII, 484, Jefferson to Dearborn, 
June 22, 1807. 

15. Annals 9 Congress, 2, 193, 194. It will be observed that this 
report displays a better idea of the western extent of Ivouisiana than 
that of two years before. (See page 41). 

16. McCaleb, The Aaron Burr Conspiracy, 142-163. 

17. Coues, Expeditions 0/ Zebu Ion Montgomery Pike, 827, 835; Jeffer- 
son Papers, Ser. 3, Vol. 11, No. 47; Ser. 2, Vol. 29, No. 90. 



90 



CHAPTER X. 

PIKE ON THE UPPER MISSISSIPPI. 

Upon the division of the Louisiana Purchase into the terri- 
tories of Orleans and of Louisiana, Brig^adier-General James 
Wilkinson, the Commander-in-chief of the American army, was 
appointed governor of the latter, with headquarters at St. Louis. 
Possibly Wilkinson knew of the President's plan to explore the 
L^pper Mississippi under the auspices of the Surveyor-General of 
the region north of the Ohio, and it is more than likely that he 
knew of the vigorous complaints, in Lewis and Clark's Mandan 
letter, of Cameron and other British fur traders on the St. Peters.^ 
But when, without express order, he assumed the responsibility of 
initiating this exploration and regulating the fur trade, he selected 
as its chief figure an unknown young officer, little qualified by 
])revious training for the task upon which he entered. This selec- 
tion subsequently received Jefferson's tacit approval, but for the 
time being it seemed to set at naught his previous proposal, and 
for this reason arouses an inquiry concerning Wilkinson's ultimate 
object. 

In the first place, by his own subsequent confession, Wilkinson 
for more than sixteen years had been reconnoitering the route to 
Santa Fe and the Mexican provinces, and in this task he had prob- 
ably made use of Philip Nolan.^ Moreover, during the summer 
preceding his Louisiana appointment Jefferson had invited him to 
meet Humboldt, then in Washington. Unable to accept the invi- 
tation, W"ilkinson turned his letter of regrets to the President-* 
into a series of questions concerning the Internal Provinces, and 
routes to Santa Fe and Mexico City. Upon these points he de- 
sired Jeft'erson to obtain information from Humboldt. 

The General's new situation afforded him an opportunity to 



1. See page 33. Thwaites, Orig. Jour., Lewis and Clark, V, 286. 

2. McCaleb, The Aaron Burr Conspiracy, 128; Wilkinson, Memoirs, 
II; Appendix, II, LXXVII. 

2a. Jefferson Papers, Ser. 2, Vol. 85, No. 78. 

91 



tenew his scheme, but he needed trusty and well qualified agents 
to carry out the details. Accordingly, in the summer of 1805, he 
selected two minor expeditions, apparently for the purpose of 
testing two of his young subordinates, in order to determine their 
fitness for his more important plan. Lieutenant George Peter, of 
the Artillerists, was sent to accompany Pierre Chouteau to the 
Osage Indians ; and Lieutenant Zebulon Montgomery Pike, of the 
First Regiment Infantry, on the mission which forms the subject 
of this chapter. A sentence from one of Wilkinson's letters, de- 
tailing the progress of these two officers, is suggestive. "Inde- 
pendent of the immediate objects of these parties, they serve to 
instruct our young officers and also our soldiery, on subjects which 
may hereafter become interesting to the United States."'^ In view 
of Pike's later expedition, these "interesting subjects" would seem 
to be Indian negotiations and explorations on the Spanish border, 
both designed to pave the way for an extensive Mexican conquest 
in which Wilkinson should be the central figure. Peter and Pike 
then were being trained in the practical school of the wilderness, 
and in this prescribed course Pike speedily showed himself an apt 
.'.nd willing pupil, fit to undertake the more extensive task pre- 
viously mapped out for Nolan. 

Evidence to be brought forward in connection with Pike's 
second expedition will tend to strengthen this opinion. At this 
juncture the inquiry naturally arises : To what extent was Pike, 
the agent, acquainted with his principal's designs? His own 
denials and his subsequent career favor the assumption that he 
knew little more than that he was being tested for some great task 
in connection with our Spanish relations. That he knew this 
much appears from the letter which he directed to Wilkinson from 
Prairie du Chien, September 5, 1805."* In this letter there is an 
important lacuna, evidently referring to the posture of our affairs 
with Spain ; then follows the significant paragraph : 

"The above sug-g-estion would only be acceptable under the idea of 
our differences with Spain being- compromised; as should there be war, 
the field of action is the sphere for young men where they hope, or at 
least aspire, to gather laurels or renown to smooth the decline of age, 
or a glorious death. You see, my dear general, I write to you like a per- 



3. Coues, Expeditions of Zebulon Montgomery Pike. I, 229, Note .'5. 

4. Coues, Pike, I, 225. 

92 



son addressing a father; at the same time I hope you will consider me, 
not only in a professional but a personal view, one who holds you in 
the highest respect and esteem." 

While the paragraph is not as clear as one could wish, it readily 
lends itself to the interpretation that Pike, in time of peace, was 
readv to win such laurels as the southwestern field of exploration 
afforded ; but that he preferred to convert this field into one of 
warfare, where still greater laurels might be his portion. At any 
rate, he recognized the fact that for the present his opportunities 
and ambitions were bound up with those of his general and patron ; 
and as long as both were honorable, both could be served together. 

The instructions to Pike issued July 30, 1805,'' may be styled 
a summary of those previously given to Lewis, and strengthen the 
assumption that Wilkinson was familiar with the main details of 
the President's plan. Pike was to undertake the exploration to 
the source of the Mississippi, at the same time collecting all pos- 
sible information of its main tributaries. He was also to attempt 
the additional task of Indian negotiation, with a view to learn 
more about the fur tr:qde. to acquire suitable cessions for govern- 
ment forts and factories, and to make peace between the various 
Indian tribes. As a necessary corollary to his work as explorer 
and negotiator^ Pike conceived it his duty to make a vigorous 
assertion of United States sovereignty over the trading establish- 
ments within our new acquisition, and his action made this the 
most important feature of his expedition.'' 

Pike's tripartite mission, lasting from August 9, 1805, till April 
30, 1806, naturally suggests a comparison with Lewis and Clark's 
and with Dunbar's. It resembled the task of Dunbar, in that it 
followed as a direct result of the Louisiana Purchase, and was 
designed to add to our knowledge of a part of the new territory. 
In this it differed in concept from the Missouri expedition, which, 
as we have seen, was organized before the territory was acquired. 
It also differed from the latter in the fact that one bank of the 
Mississippi had, theoreticallv at least, been in our possession for a 
score of vcars. and thus the whole region should be much more 



5. The instructions are given in American State Papers, Misc., I, 
942; Coues, Pike, II, 842-844. 

6. See opinion of Gen. A. W. Greely, quoted in Coues, Pike, I, 
XLVIII. 

9.3 



familiar than the Missouri and its waters. That there was really 
little more current knowledge of the head waters of the former 
than of the latter was due to the fact that problems of other than 
a geographical nature had previously monopolized the attention 
of the American statesmen. Pike thus had the opportunity of 
rendering an important service to science. The most important 
fact, however, which separated this and Pike's subsequent expedi- 
tion from others of the period, was that they were not directly 
authorized by the President. Jefferson later accepted and made 
use of the results of Pike's labors, and his Secretary of War pub- 
licly expressed his approbation of the young explorer. Moreover, 
Congressional committees reported in his favor, even while they 
withheld the material rewards given to Lewis and Clark and their 
followers ; yet Pike suffered in contemporary private estimation 
because of his connection with Wilkinson, and has, in a measure, 
since suffered from the ignominy which overtook his principal. 

The geographical results of Pike's voyage are creditable, but 
not particularly brilliant. In point of natural talent, he seemed 
less favored than either Lewis or Clark, and as regards scientific 
equipment he bore no comparison to Dunbar or Hunter. Never- 
theless, he was energetic and measurably resourceful ; and by his 
energy and determination, aided by the knowledge derived from 
others, he succeeded in amassing material that really added to 
popular knowledge of the Upper Mississippi. Besides the stray 
observations scattered through the text, he summarized his geo- 
graphical work in a special treatise.''' This embraced not merely 
an account of the river itself, and of its banks so far as traversed, 
but also some description of the principal tributaries, derived from 
Indians or British traders. With regard to the latter, Pike seems 
to have occupied a more favorable position than did Lewis and 
Clark, and his information is consequently more complete and 
accurate. This is particularly true with regard to the Fox- 
Wisconsin trading route from Michillimackinac to the Missis- 
sippi.^ 

At the Des Moines Rapids, at Dubuque's lead mines, and at 



7. Pike, Expeditions, App. to Pt. I, 41-56; Coues, Pike, I, 
Chapter VII. 

8. Coues, Pike, I, 295-303. 

94 



Prairie dn Chien, Pike found small settlements, bvit for the most 
part the savag^es and traders dominated its banks as completely as 
those of the Missouri. The falls of St. Anthony did not afford 
an adequate comparison with those of the Missouri, nor was Pike 
there in as favorable a season as Lewis and Clark experienced in 
the vicinity of the latter. Pike's excursions about the Mississippi 
headwaters were restricted to sledge journeys in the vicinity of 
Sandy, Leech, and Upper Red Cedar lakes. He wrongly thought 
Leech Lake to be the source of the Mississippi, but in so thinking 
he was but following the opinion of traders who had spent years 
in the vicinity. Pike did not pass beyond the valley of the Father 
of Waters, although he approached very near the sources of some 
streams flowing into the Red River, and gave some description of 
that important drainage system. Pike's geographical observations 
were not important, being entirely superseded after some two 
decades ; and such as they were, were rendered still less valuable 
by the imperfect instnunents his hasty start forced him to take, 
the multifarious duties he was compelled tn perform while on his 
journey, and the brief interval before his second journey during 
which to prepare his report. 

In his Indian negotiation. Pike fared as well as might be ex- 
pected, i'art of the Indians with whom he had to deal liad been 
living wiihin Ignited States territory for more than twenty years, 
although the British had retained posts among them till the past 
decade, and still dominated their fur trade. These Indians felt 
the greatest respect for certain individual American leaders, whose 
prowess they had reason to remember; but they distrusted the 
government at Washington, whose power they could but dimly 
comprehend and were utterlv unable to appreciate the significance 
of the territorial transfer across the river. Doubtless the British 
traders in the midst of them did little to enlighten their ignorance, 
even if they did not trv to render it more dense. On the western 
bank of the Mississippi, where, under nominal Spanish sway. 
British trade likewise predominated, the fierce Sioux and treach- 
erous Chippewas also obtained their introduction to their new 
"great father" at Washington. through his beardless representative 
with a handful of enlisted followers. If, under the circum- 
stances, Pike's mission did not leave any lasting impression upon 
the untutored or falsely-tutored savage mind, the fault lay not so 

95 



much in his lack of willingness or of talent, as in his meagre re- 
sources and the failure of the Washington government to pave 
the way for him or to follow up adequately what he had initiated. 

Pike made his maiden effort in Indian diplomacy in addressing 
some Saux at the Des Moines Rapids upon the particular subject 
of a trading station.^ They were unwilling or unable to designate 
a proper place for such an establishment, but they listened respect- 
fully to his remarks upon his mission and accepted his presents, 
including (sad to say) some whiskey, undistinguishable in quality 
from the trader's beverage whose prohibition he demanded. Pike 
found whiskey a most effective diplomatic ally, and honored his 
own rule by its breach rather than its observance. He early found 
that among the Indians the Americans had a reputation for vin- 
dictiveness, and he hoped bv establishing a reputation for justice 
to change this into one of wholesome respect. ^^ Unfortunately he 
tempered his justice by a doubtful mercy that appealed only to the 
weaker side of the aborigine. 

At Prairie du Chien, Pike held a council with some Winne- 
bagoes, at which a Sioux chief also participated. The latter made 
a request for American medals. His first notable conference 
occurred with some Sioux at the m.outh of the St. Peters (Minne- 
sota). To these new vassals Pike explained the recent territorial 
transfer, ^^ and by diplomatic representations and presents, coupled 
with methods decidedlv undiplomatic, he succeeded in gaining for 
a song ($200.00 in presents) some 100,000 acres of land, in the 
Aacinity of the St. Croix River, to be used for a trading establish- 
ment. He also explained the liberal policy of the United States 
in trading with the natives, and urged them to further the desire 
of the President for peace among the Indians by burying the 
hatchet with the Chippewas. Inconsistent with his own action, 
he urged a drastic policy in breaking up the trade in whiskey, by 
urging his hearers to refuse to pay their debts to traders who 
continued the practice. ^^ 

The response of the Sioux to Pike, while not cordial, was 



9, Coues, Pike, I, 16, 17. 

10. Coues, Pike, I, 34. 

11. Pike erroneously said that it allowed us " to put one foot on the 
sea in the east and the other one on the sea in the west". 

12. Coues, Pike, I, 83, 226-240. 

96 



fairly sati.- factory. They ceded the lands asked for, although 
protesting against signing the treaty, but were doubtful with 
regard to peace with the Chippewas. However, they promised a 
safe conduct for Pike and any of their chiefs that he chose to 
bring down the river ; but wished the United States to assist in 
chastising them, if they did not keep the peace. With this Pike 
was forced to be content and to pass on to try his diplomacy upon 
their immemorial foes. Pike had expected to reach Sandy Lake, 
the reputed source of the river, in time to return to St. Louis 
before winter, but he now learned that the source was in Leech 
Lake, some sixty miles further on, and determined to see this 
lake.^""* This determination involved an exceedingly difficult 
winter journey, not contemplated in his instructions. 

Sending minor presents to the Sioux up the St. Peters, the 
young explorer proceeded up the main stream, passing St. An- 
thony's Falls late in September, and in the course of the follow- 
ing month erected a stockade some i lo miles above, where he left 
a small party with the large boat. He rerriained in the vicinity 
about a month, constructing canoes which he afterwards was 
unable to use, and providing a supply of meat for the winter. 
In these tasks Pike worked his men hard, but he in no way spared 
himself. Menominee Indians gave him occasional bits of inform- 
ation concerning proposed hostilities between the Sioux and Chip- 
pewas, and their possible relations to his party. Finally, in the 
middle of December, the overturning of a canoe caused him to 
abandon the river route and to undertake an overland journey, 
dragging his provisions on sledges. The young lieutenant was 
forced to perform the duties of hunter, spy, guide, and command- 
ing officer, and often at night was too weary to make adequate 
notes of the day's march. In this fashion the small party pressed 
on to Lower Cedar Lake, where Pike was entertained at a North - 
West Company house, and a few days later reached a similar 
establishment on Sandy Lake. In the latter part of January he 
pressed on to Leech Lake, from which he also visited Cass Lake, 
near the Height of Land ; and at the former lake, on February i6, 
held his second important council with the Indians.'"^ 

13. Coues, Pike, I, 83, 240, 241. 

14. Coues, Pike, I, 88-169, />rt.V5zw. 

97 



In this conference, attended by the Chippewas in the vicinity 
of Leech Lake, Pike mentioned the plan of the President to open 
a pathway to the west and the resulting^ expedition of Lewis, of 
whose sojourn at the Mandans the preceding winter, they had 
doubtless heard. Plis own presence was due to the desire of the 
President to bring- peace to his warring Red Children, and to per- 
suade them to visit his great war chief at St. Louis. He spoke 
of the promises of the Saux, Foxes, Winnebagoes, and Sioux to 
observe a mutual peace, and required his hearers also to bury the 
hatchet. He demanded the surrender of British flags and 
medals, and spoke of future measures to break up the trade in 
whiskey.^^ To this speech the Indians responded with becoming 
submission, but were evasive in making definite promises. The 
proposition to visit St. Louis aroused considerable opposition, and 
showed the Indians to be fertile in plausible pretexts. Finally 
Pike made a direct challenge of their courage, and this aroused 
tlie grudging assent of two of the younger chiefs. Most of the 
conferees appeared to welcome the prospect of peace, while they 
likewise accepted the change in sovereignty by delivering their 
British flags and medals. The conference ended. Pike began to 
retrace his steps. In the course of his journey his young Chip- 
pewas left him upon pretense of joining him later, but, of course, 
failed to do so. On March 5, he arrived at his temporary post on 
the Mississippi, where he found the misconduct of the sergeant 
m charge made his presence indispensable.'" 

While awaiting the opening of the river, Pike received a num- 
ber of visits from the Menominees, who had expected to find some 
Chippewas with him. Although disappointed, they promised to 
meet him later at the mouth of tlie St. Peters. Before he left the 
spot. Pike succeeded in holding a minor conference with the 
Menomonees, at which a Chippewa and Winnebago were present. 
Leaving his post on the 6th of April, he made the portage of St. 
Anthony's Falls a few days later, in much better snirits than 
during the previous fall, for his journey now promised to be fairly 
successful. At the mouth of the St. Peters he held a preliminary 
conference with the Sissetons and other Sioux, but owing to a 

15. Coues, Pike, I, 171, 254. 

16. Coues, Pike, I, 172-180. 

98 



poor interpreter was not very successful. Some of those present 
were recalcitrant about smoking- the Chippewa pipe which he bore 
as a token of peace from those treacherous savages, and others 
threatened to break their agreement; so the hot-blooded young 
officer was obliged to threaten future punishment if their actions 
were not satisfactory. At Lake Pepin he refused to await a few 
hours beyond the agreed time to meet with some other Sioux, 
believing that this perem.ptory course was the only safe one to 
employ with the savages.^''' 

When he reached Prairie du Chien, the young diplomat, in his 
conference of April 20, 1806, addressed himself to the difficult task 
of compelling the Winnebagoes to deliver up certain murderers of 
their tribe, and also certain British flags and medals. In their 
reply of the following day they stated that they would deliver one 
of the criminals up to him, or all of them later to General Wilkin- 
son at St. Louis, and also bring with them any British tokens. 
Pike took them at their word, but warned them not to deceive him. 
On the same day he held a conference with some Sioux, and re- 
ported the peaceful message of the Chippewas. The Sioux agreed 
to this peace, but doubted the faith of their enemies. They also 
appeared to be jealous of the fact that Lewis and Clark the pre- 
vious 3^ear had omitted them in distributing medals and flags. 
Pike assured them that he would provide them with these tokens. 
They were also perplexed with regard to the liquor traffic. This 
Vv^as forbidden on the western bank of the river, but openly per- 
mitted upon the eastern, where American sovereignty had been 
longest established. Pike assured them that for the future no 
liquor was to be sold upon either bank. Pike ended his career of 
Indian diplomacy by regretting, in company with a fellow officer, 
that his compassion prevented them from making an attack upon 
some towns of Saux and Foxes who were beginning to exhibit an 
ugly temper towards the Americans.^* 

The most obvious result to be expected from Pike's Indian 
policy was peace between the Chippewas and the Sioux ; but 
neither he nor subsequent Indian agents, for many decades, were 
able to accomplish this desired result. Pike found that the Chip- 

17. Cones, Pike, I, 180-205, passim. 

18. Coues, Pike, I, 205-210. 

99 



pewas had a wholesome respect for the Americans, whom they 
styled "White Indians," but he distrusted them, and felt that they 
were in every way inferior to the Sioux. Of the latter he was 
able to give a much better account than Lewis and Clark did, and 
he seemed proud of this fact. In general, one gains the idea that 
the native shrewdness of Pike's conferees was more than a match 
for his straightforward demands or occasional indirect dealings ; 
while his (to them) officious meddling served only to intensify the 
bitterness of intertribal warfare. He certainly made some impres- 
sion, but it was followed by no effective governmental action. 

In his task of asserting American sovereignty over the British 
tniding establishments that dotted the region in surprising num- 
bers. Pike was reasonably successful. Soon after leaving St. 
Louis he began to meet evidences of British trading influence, and 
with the increase of these he naturally began to emphasize that 
feature of his mission. The results of the policy of some of the 
traders appear also in the journals of Lewis and Clark, and show 
how widespread were their operations. With a few unimportant 
exceptions, they showed Pike ever^- courtesy and made possible 
the measure of success he achieved. 

Some distance below the Minnesota. Pike fell in with the 
trader, Murdock Cameron, "a Scotchman by birth and an English- 
man by prejudice," whose unscrupulous use of the deadly "fire- 
water," complained of by Lewis and Clark, led Pike later to prefer 
serious charges against him. Yet he made some use of him in 
distributing medals to the Indians, while he himself accepted some 
trifling presents from his partner. The subject of the liquor traffic 
was a different one for the young officer, as he was not consistent 
with his principles. He did succeed in getting a promise from one 
trader to abandon the practice, but others persisted, in open 
defiance of his attempted regulation, or demanded with ill-con- 
cealed insoience a written order to abandon it.^^ 

One of the traders, whose clerk had aroused Pike's suspicion. 
v/as Colonel Robert Dickson. When Pike arrived at the point on 
the Mississippi where he erected his stockade, from Indian ac- 
counts he formed the opinion that Dickson was spreading false 
hopes among the natives concerning the objects and resources of 

19. Coues, Pike, I, 88, 204, 243, 262. 

100 



his expedition. The explorer believed that Dickson did this in 
order later to arouse their prejudices against him, should he fail 
to realize their expectations. A few days later Pike met Dickson, 
and was led to correct his opinion of the latter, whom he found 
not only a man of splendid traits, but likewise willing to furnish 
substantial help and valuable information.^" 

Above the Falls of St. Anthony, it is difficult to see how Pike, 
without this aid from the British traders, would have been able to 
accomplish anything worth while. It was the number of these 
traders and of their establishments upon the lakes of Northern 
-Minnesota, coupled with the cordial reception and hearty aid of 
Dickson and his associates, that enabled Pike to move any dis- 
tance at all from his stockade, or to gain the very faint idea he 
possessed of the lakes that fed the mighty Father of Waters. Pike 
may justly have felt his anger rise at the sight of the British flag 
waving from the North-West establishment at Lower Red Cedar 
Lake, and he may not have felt much better when informed that 
the flag belonged to the Indians ; but it was the director of this 
establishment that received him and his followers after a most 
fatiguing march through the midwinter snow, assisted him in con- 
structing sleds for the remainder of the journey, and aided his 
explorations of the surrounding region. A few days later he 
arrived at the Leech Lake establishmelit late at night, and found 
the gate was barred ; but once making himself known, he was 
welcome with more than ordinary cordiality. Pike, who had pre- 
ceded his men, was so impressed by the sincerity of his reception 
that he raised no objections to the reception of his companions by 
a display of the British flag.^' 

Sitting by the fireside of the Leech Lake house, reading and 
nursing his swollen feet while awaiting the approach of his 
equally miserable companions. Pike must have appeared more in 
the guise of a recipient, rather than a bestower of favors ; but he 
never forgot the dignity of his mission. On the 6th of February 
he addressed to his host. Hugh McCiillis, a letter^- explaining the 
position of his government toward foreign companies. The right, 



20. Coues, Pike, I, 119. 

21. Coues, Pike, I, 133-152, passim. 

22. Coues, Pike, I, 247-250. 

101 



under the Jay treaty, to trade with Indians did not exempt the 
traders from duties, Hcenses, or the laws for the regulation of the 
trade. The circle of British posts along Lake Superior, the Mis- 
sissippi, the Red River, and extending far into the interior of 
Louisiana, was a menace to the interests of American traders, for 
the latter had to pay duties upon the goods they used in the trade. 
It was doubtful, therefore, if this new territory, acquired since 
the treaty of 1/94, would continue open freely to the British 
traders. In addition, he complained of such reprehensible prac- 
tices as furnishing British flags, medals, and whiskey to the 
Indians ; and expressed the fear that in time of war the company's 
establishments would afford convenient places for the distribution 
of arms to be used against the United States. 

Although these facts, in Pike's opinion, justified the confisca- 
tion of all the North-West Company's property within the limits 
of the United States, such a course was hardly worthy of himself 
or of his government, for the British traders probably intended no 
disrespect in continuing the policy, to which they had become ac- 
customed through Spanish and American neglect. However, in 
view of the importance of the trade, as shown by his own personal 
observation, he would demand the following changes for the 
future. First, that an annual statement of the probable amount 
of goods to be introduced through the various factories be made 
out in time to enter these goods at the Michillimackinac custom 
house. Second, that at no time should a British flag be displayed 
within the limits of the United States — the American flag should 
be employed, if any were necessary. Third, that the British should 
present no flag or medal to the Indians, nor enter into any political 
relations with them; but they should refer all such questions to 
the American authorities. Fourth, for all other points involved 
in the trade, including the sale of liquors, they should observe the 
laws of the United States upon the subject. 

These demands of Pike were certainly in harmony with 
national interests and honor, and although the condition of Pike 
and his party hardly permitted them to make their demands with 
due dignity, the British traders evidently looked beyond the 
meagre expedition and its impetuous leader, to the wider move- 
ment for which they stood. The reply of McGillis, dated Feb- 



102 



ruarv 15, 1806,-'^ is certainly not lacking in respect, either for Pike 
or the government he represented. He diplomatically began by 
expressing his appreciation of Pike's moderation. With reference 
to the payment of duties upon goods used in the trade, he sug- 
gested that for this year, when the goods were already distributed 
among the factories, a mere statement of their value, based upon 
the personal honor of the traders, should be taken, instead of a 
formal entry at Michillimackinac. The British traders, as a 
whole, he declared, rejoiced at the prospect of at length receiving 
adequate protection, and would willingly contribute their share 
(in the form of duties) toward this expense. He disclaimed any 
military purpose in the erection of stockades, which were designed 
merely for their own defense against the Indians, and which 
would in Ro sense serve as forts. Five days before McGillis deliv- 
ered his reply, the American standard replaced the British flag. 

Later, upon Pike's arrival at the Mississippi, he very properly 
refused to permit one of Dickson's agents to introduce among the 
Menomonees certain goods upon which no duties had been paid. 
These goods came into competition with dutiable American goods. 
and thus worked an injustice to the American trade. Despite this 
refusal, the agent brought a Chippewa chief to hold conferences 
with the American explorer, and his principal showed him every 
attention in his power.-* It is true that British traders were 
present in every important conference with the Indians, but appar- 
ently Pike, even in their presence, did not spare his criticism of 
some of their methods. What impression this compliance had 
upon the savage minds it is impossible to say, but it certainly 
smoothed the way for the young explorer to make a good impres- 
sion. Pike, himself, could establish no definite charge of under- 
hand dealing with the Indians against the principal traders, while 
he acknovv-ledgcd the material assistance they afforded him. 

In his letters of April 18 and July 2r^ Pike gave Wilkinson his 
own estimate of the importance of his journey. He had pene- 
trated (as he mistakenlv thought) to the source of the Mississippi, 
and had .xplored the region bordering upon that river and the 



23. Coues, Pike, I, 251-254. 

24. Coues, Pike, I, 176, 189, 196. 261. 

25. Coues, Pike, I, 265, 271. 

10.". 



Red River of the North. For T'.ritish sovereignty, he had substi- 
tuted that of the United States. He had estabUshed peace be- 
tween the Sioux and the Chippewas ; and had prepared an Indian 
report, differing in its characterization of the Sioux from Lewis 
and Clark's, but, in his estimation, better founded upon personal 
observation, backed by the testimony of those who had dwelt 
among them. He had composed a geographical report, vitiated to 
a certain extent, it is true, by poor instruments and a lack of time 
to arrange notes, but rendered as accurate as personal inspection 
and contemporary information could make it. In addition, he 
urged the importance of an early settlement of the northern 
boundary upon the basis of a due west line from the Lake of the 
Woods, in order to forestall a possible British claim to two-fifths 
of Louisiana. The catalogue of services rendered by the young 
explorer was a fairly long one, and as already pointed out, its 
importance was somewhat exaggerated ; yet it is a list of which he 
might well feel proud. Apparently it impressed his General with 
the possibility of using him to advantage upon a more extensive 
field of operations. 



104 



CHAPTER XI. 

WILKINSON, PIKE, AND THE SOUTHWEST. 

It was on the last day of April, 1806, that Lieutenant Pike 
arrived at St. Louis, and thus completed his important journey up 
the Mississippi. During the following weeks he began the prep- 
aration of his various reports, and this task was hastened by 
receiving from Wilkinson a proposal for a more serious undertak- 
ing — a tour to the far South-West. This would involve visits to 
unknown and possibly more treacherous Indians than those of the 
Upper Mississippi ; long journeys through inhospitable deserts and 
uncertain mountains ; and possibly hostile collisions, upon a dis- 
puted frontier, with a jealous, vigilant and resourceful neighbor. 
The last qualification is well attested by the fact that Captain- 
General Salcedo, at Chihuahua, knew of Wilkinson's plan, before 
the expedition left St. Louis.' Pike, ambitious for the laurels of 
exploration, if not those of the battlefield, and confident in his 
own well-tried powers, eagerly accepted the proffered mission, 
and began preparations for his departure. 

The inside history of the life of General James Wilkinson dur- 
ing the year 1806, if known in its entirety, would form a chapter 
.surpassing in interest the most lurid passages in the careers of 
Benedict Arnold. Aaron Burr, or other similar worthies. Not 
one of the least of the enigmas of his career during this period is 
that presented by Pike's second journev. We have already noted 
that Wilkinson had written to the Secretary of War in August, 
1805, regarding the expeditions then being pursued under Peter 
and Pike.- In view of a later communication from Dearborn to 
Pike we mav take it for granted that these expeditions were in the 
interim, tacitly, if not openly approved — certainly they were later. 
Yet after the explorer's death, the General apparently lost favor 
with his Vv'hilom supporters. jotTerson and Dearborn, for on Nfo- 



1. See page 72. 

2. See pag'e 92. 



105 



vember 6, 1818, the latter wrote the former^ that "Pike's expedi- 
tion was planned and directed entirely by General Wilkinson 
* * * and no expedition was sent up the Arkansas under your 
direction." 

Some of the Osage chiefs visited by Peter and Chouteau had 
been prevailed upon to go to Washington, and had returned to 
St. Louis on their way to their native habitat. For some reason 
Lieutenant Peter does not appear prominently upon the scene, so 
what could be more natural than to entrust the task of their 
further return to the young officer who had acquitted himself so 
creditably upon the Upper Mississippi. So far everything ap- 
pears reasonably straightforward and open, and Wilkinson's pub- 
lished instructions to Pike, although unauthorized by W^ashington 
authorities, for the most part do not run counter to this impression. 

The first instructions were issued June 24, 1806,^ and directed 
Pike, as his opening task, to escort the returning Indians to the 
Osage River. Having accomplished this, what was more fitting 
than to bid the man who had brought about peace between the 
Chippewas and the Sioux, to attempt the same with the Kansas 
and the Osages, and to extend his diplomatic mission to include 
conferences as well with the Comanches^ some of whom he should 
try to persuade to visit Washington. It was likewise fitting that 
the author of a valuable geographical report upon the Upper Mis- 
sissippi should be requested to make similar observations unon 
the country watered by the Arkansas and Red Rivers. If his 
geographical survey should in a measure become a military recon- 
naissance of the important Spanish and Indian positions wMthin 
striking distance of the United States, this object would not be 
ver)'^ reprehensible, especially when accompanied by the injunc- 
tion, when near the New Mexican frontier, to keep clear of 
Spanish parties, and to avoid giving any offense. 

Nothing in the above instructions would lead one unfamiliar 
with Wilkinsonian duplicity to suspect the young explorer or his 
principal ; nor, in later instructions,'^ when Wilkinson told Pike 



3. ^ee Jefferson Papers, Ser. 2, Vol. 29, No. 90. 

4. Pike, Account of Expeditions, etc., 107-109; Coues, Pike, II, 
562-565. 

5. Coues, Pi/ie, II, 565. 566. 



106 



that Dr. J. H. Robinson would join the expedition as a volunteer, 
and would render medical services in return for such accommoda- 
tions as the party afforded, would this mere statement suggest 
underhand dealings. That Wilkinson should take this occasion 
to bid Pike arrest all unlicensed traders found among the Indians, 
was only in keeping with the law he was bound to enforce. That 
he should later warn him to break up the plan of a certain com- 
pany to resort to the Pawnees and Comanches, and through these 
Indians to open up a clandestine trade with Santa Fe, might seem 
evidence of his desire to remain on peaceful terms with the Span- 
iards.*^ Up to this point, then, the course of Wilkinson seems a 
frank and open attempt to advance, even if without direct orders 
from the President, the latter's plan to explore the Louisiana 
Purchase. 

Although Wilkinson succeeded as well as usual in covering u\) 
his crooked aims, his young subordinate did not, in this particular, 
give him material aid. We have seen that as earl\ as September, 
1805, Pike was ready to take part in some service, not stated, but 
which may have been explorations in the South- West.'^ When 
apologizing for the incomplete condition of his Mississippi jour- 
nal, he urged in excuse^ that he had scarcely returned from the 
north before his new journey was proposed to him. Pike reached 
St. Louis April 30; his first formal instructions were not issued 
until June 24. The interval may have been employed in personal 
discussion of matters not formally incorporated in the written 
directions. At least it is certain that Spanish spies had an inkling 



6. A less charitable assumption would be that Wilkinson aimed at 
self appropriation, either direct or indirect, of the profits of this trade. 
In the printed instructions, the name of the trading company is left 
blank. Dr. Coues (Pike, II, 574) believed that the leading- spirit in this 
company was the Indian trader, Manuel de Lisa, but he did not state 
his reason for this belief. A comparison of Wilkinson's letter with the 
Biddle edition of Lewis and Clark (Coues edition III, 1210, 1230), would 
lead one to infer that this was the scheme of Captain Robert McClellan, 
did not that officer bear a letter from Wilkinson to the Indians. The 
Captain was connected with the Baltimore firm; Wilkinson came orig-- 
inally from Maryland. It would thus be easy to sug-gest a reason whj' 
the latter should oppose Lisa's plan. Cf. Chittenden, History 0/ the 
American Fur Trade, I, 126. 

7. See page 92. 

8. Coues, Pike, I, 273. 

107 



of Wilkinson's extensive, but supposedly secret plan, and had 
communicated it to Captain-General Salcedo before the Maigares 
expedition left New Mexico in the middle of June, and that the 
receipt of this information gave an additional motive to the latter 
expedition. So it is reasonable to suppose that Pike and Wilkin- 
son had a secret understanding upon points not mentioned in the 
formal instructions, and that this understanding became known to 
Spaish spies. It was probably this secret mission that later 
aroused so greatly the suspicions of the Spaniards when Pike 
r.ttempted to explain his presence on the Rio Grande, and caused 
them to suspect even Wilkinson's astronomical directions.^ 

Pike had been but a week from St. Louis when, from La 
Charette, he directed to Wilkinson a letter^*^ which revealed more 
of the true purpose of his mission than the General probably de- 
sired. In part Pike wrote : 

"With respect to the Tetans (Comanches), the General may rest 
assured, I shall use every precaution previous to trusting them; but as 
to the mode of conduct to be pursued towards the Spaniards, I feel more 
at a loss, as my instructions lead me into the country of the Tetans, 
part of which is no doubt claimed by Spain, although the boundaries 
between Louisiana and New Mexico, have never yet been defined, in con- 
sequence of which, should I encounter a party from the villages, near 
Santa F^, I have thought it would be a good policy to give them to 
understand that we were about to join our troops near Natchitoches, 
but had been uncertain about the headwaters of the rivers over which 
we passed; but that now, if the commandant approved of it, we would 
pay him a visit of politeness, either by deputation or the whole party, 
but if he refused, signify our intention of pursuing our direct route to 
the post below; but if not I flatter myself, secure us an unmolested 
retreat to the Natchitoches. But if the Spanish jealousy and the insti- 
gation of domestic traitorsU should induce them to make us prisoners 
of war, (in time of peace) I trust to the magnanimity of our country 
for our liberation and a due reward to their opposers, for the insult and 
indignity ofi'ered their national honor." 

It is somewhat difficult to say just what Pike meant by every 
sentence of the above extract, but the general meaning is plain 
enough. Pike's objective point was Santa Fe, and by direct or 

9. See Chapter XIV. Coues, Pike, II, 412. 

10. Pike, Account of Expedition, etc. App. to Ft., II. 49; Coues, 
Fike, II, 570, 571, Note 6. 

11. By "domestic traitors " Pike probably refers to the double deal- 
ing fur traders of St. Ivouis and vicinity. 

108 



indirect means he was determined to reach it and trust his gov- 
ernment to save him from any vmpleasant results. He would not 
have thus written so quickly and so boldly to Wilkinson, if the 
latter had not given this as the main task of his difficult journey. 

Another link in the chain of evidence in favor of the Santa Fe 
destination is afiforded by the presence in the party of Dr. John H. 
Robinson, the volunteer recommended by Wilkinson. In after 
life Robinson was an inveterate enemy of Spain, and enjoyed an 
influential reputation as a filibuster upon the Florida and Texas 
frontiers. His connection with Pike forms his opening appear- 
ance. He bore papers establishing the claim of William Mor- 
rision, of Kaskaskia, Illinois, against a certain Baptiste Lalande, 
an absconding employe. Pike explains at length the details of 
the case, but admits that Robinson's demands "were in some de- 
gree spurious in his hands." and were utilized as a "pretext for 
Robinson to visit Santa Fe. " "Our views," Pike continues, "were 
to gain a knowledge of the country, the prospect of trade, force, 
etc." — in short, to spy out the land; "while at the same time our 
treaties with Spain guaranteed to him, as a citizen of the United 
States, the right of seeking the recovery of all just debts or 
demands before the legal and authorized tribunals of the coun- 
try. "^2 'j^j-jg claim was in itself just enough, but the time and 
circumstances of its employment show that it was to serve as a 
second string to Wilkinson's bow of intriguing exploration. 

Enough has been said to prove that the main purpose of Pike's 
expedition was to make a military reconnaisance of New Mexico. 
Although such a movement implied a course of deception contrary 
to private morality, it by no means equalled the underhand system 
of espionage that Spanish authorities then employed at Natchi- 
toches, New Orleans, St. Louis, and even at Washington. If the 
motive that inspired this double dealing was honorable and dic- 
tated by national policy, it would in a measure justify those who 
employed it against their culpable rivals. The question of motive 
then is the next important one to examine. 

As far back as the days of Philip Nolan, Wilkinson had cast 
longing eves toward the provinces of Mexico. In June and in 
September, 1805, Wilkinson held long interviews with Aaron 



12. Cones, Pike, II, 497-502. 

109 



Rurr/'" and by the latter was thought to be firmly resolved to take 
part in his Mexican filibustering scheme. In view of this fact, his 
letter of November 26, 1805, to the Secretary of War^* is inter- 
esting. He spoke of the prospect of war with Spain, of conditions 
of defense in New Orleans and vicinity, favored the mounting of 
all our troops employed west of the Mississippi, and added : 

"If anythingf should be done from this quarter direct (i. e. from St. 
L<ouis), and I might be indulged to recommend my officers, to plan & 
lead the expedition, if I do not reduce Mexico at least in one campaign, 
I will forfeit my head." 

On the 27th of the next January, Senator Adair, of Kentucky, 
wrote Wilkinson ^"^ a letter in which occurs the significant question : 
"Pray, how far is it, and what kind of a way from St. Louis to 
Santa Fe, and from thence to Mexico^" The reply of Wilkin- 
son/^ to a man whom he then trusted, was equally significant and 
explicit : 

** Do you know that I have reserved these places for my own trium- 
phal entry, that I have been reconnoitering and exploring the route for 
sixteen years; that I not only know the way, but all the difficulties and 
how to surmount them? I wish we could get leave, Mexico would soon 
be ours." 

Aside from customary exaggeration, this reply well illustrated 
the plan and purpose that the General had in view. Pike's expe- 
dition was but another of his "reconnoitering and exploring" at- 
tempts in the direction of Mexico, and one destined to prove unus- 
ually successful. In further confirmation of this opinion, it is 
well to note the affidavit of Judge Timothy Kibby. as printed in 
the Mississippi// tra/rf, September 15, 1807:^'^ 

" The affidavit sets forth— 

"'That in confidential conversation the General (Wilkinson) speak- 
ing of Pike's Expedition, upon inquiry, replied, smiling, that it was of 
a secret nature and that L/ieutenant Pike himself was not apprised of 
the ultimate object of the expedition, but that his destination was Santa 
F^, treating with the Indians as he advanced. 

" 'He (Wilkinson) intimated that Lieutenant Pike had been des- 
Ijatched by his orders, that the plan was his own, not emanating from 
the Government, but assented to ' ". 

13. McCaleb, The Aaron Burr Conspiracy, 26, 27, 34. 

14. Coues, Pike, II, 564, note. 

15. Wilkinson, Memoirs, II, Ap., LXXVII. 

16. McCaleb, Aaron Burr Conspiracy, 128. 

17. Coues, Pike, I, L,VI. 

110 



The above extracts seem sufficiently definite to justifv the 
assertion that Pike's expeditions, both of which were undertaken 
without express orders from the President, formed a part of 
Wilkinson's own private schemes. The question naturally arises : 
What end were they designed to serve? Wilkinson's interviews 
with Burr, supplemented by such portions of his private corre- 
spondence as are available, ^^ seem to establish the supposition that 
Pike's south-western expedition was designed to obtain informa- 
tion for the use of those arch conspirators in their invasion of 
Mexico. Wilkinson's conduct during this fateful summer seems 
to support this view. On the 6th of May, t8o6, the Secretary of 
War forwarded definite orders bidding him to repair without 
delay to the territory of Orleans, and there repel any invasion of 
"the territory of the United States east of the River Sabine cr 
north or west of the bounds of what has been called West Flor- 
ida."^^ These orders reached Wilkinson by the middle of June, 
for on the 17th he wrote to a correspondent : "I shall obey the 
military mandate, for tliere T look for fame and honor."^^ His 
obedience was not prompt, however, for he delayed his departure 
some two months, possibly for the purpose, as a recent writer 
suggests,^' of allowing Burr to develop his filibustering scheme. 
An additional reason for his delay may be found in the fact that 
he wished to see Pike safely started upon his journey, and be 
assured of a reasonable prospect of his success. In view of his 
own instructions to repair to Orleans territory, his word to Pike^- 
to report at Natchitoches, upon the completion of his reconnai- 
sance, acquires a double meaning. 

Wilkinson did not issue Pike's official instructions till June 24, 
several days after receiving his own urgent orders to leave St. 
T.ouis at once. Sickness among the Osages whom Pike was to 
escort detained that officer till the next month. On July 12 Wil- 
kinson issued additional instructions, urging an immediate depar- 

18. Consult McCaleb, The Aaron Burr Conspiracy, for a full discus- 
sion of the relations of Burr with Wilkinson. The writer errs however, 
in iinplying- (pages 28, 34) that Pike was employed in the Southwest in 
1805, while Burr was holding- his two conferences with Wilkinson. 

19. Wilkinson, Memoirs, II, App., XC. 

20. McCaleb, 122. 

21. Ibid. 

22. Coues, Pike, II, 575. 

Ill 



ture. Wilkinson himself remained in St. Louis for some weeks 
after his subordinate left. The final word that he received from 
the latter, before leaving for the South, was probably the letter of 
July 26,^-' written near the mouth of the Osage. In this Pike 
stated that there was a very low stage of water in the Osage, and 
that his party had poor prospect of ascending the river more than 
sixty miles. Wilkinson may then have concluded that Pike could 
not complete his reconnaisance in time for effective use. if at all, 
and accordingly he may have determined to obey the neglected 
orders from Washington. His delay allowed the Spaniards to 
preoccupy, during July and x^ugust, the disputed strip of territory 
east of the Sabine. It likewise caused Jefferson later to review 
his conduct in a cabinet meeting, but resulted in no action.^* 

It was high time, therefore, for him to attend to his own post- 
poned duties, but he gave his faithful subordinate final instruc- 
tions^^ concerning his relations with Indians and traders. He 
coupled these with a more explicit warning to be circumspect and 
discreet, while in the vicinity of Spanish settlements, ''as you 
will be held responsible for consequences."-"' The General then 
continued : 

"By the return of the bearer you may open your correspondence 
with the Secretary of War, [General Dearborn]; but I would caution 
you against anticipating a step before you, for fear of deceptions and 
disappointments. To me, you may and must, write full and freely, not 
only giving- a minute detail of everything past, worthy of note, but 
also of your prospects and the conduct of the Indians. If you discover 
that any tricks have been plaj^ed from St. Louis, you will give them to 
me with names, and must not fail to give particulars to the Secretary of 
War, with names, to warn him against improper confidence and decep- 
tion. Inclose your dispatch for me to Colonel [T] Hunt and it will 
follow me by a party which I have [left] for the purpose. It is interest- 
ing to you to reach Natchitoches in season to be at the seat of govern- 
ment pending the session of Congress; yet you must not sacrifice any 
essential object to this point. Should fortune favor you on your 
present excursion, your importance to our country will, I think, make 
your future life comfortable." 

23. Coues, Pike, II, 573. 

24. Adams, History of the United States, III, 279, 280. 

25. Coues, Pike, II, 573-576. 

26. This warning would imply that Wilkinson had become doubtful 
about hostilities arising with Spain in proper season for his plans and 
was determined not to allow his subordinate, by rash actions, to involve 
him in any responsibility for a border warfare. The suggestion arises 
that by this time he had determined to abandon his complot with Burr. 

112 



The above is significant because of a number of expressions 
that are suggestive but not clearly explicable. What was the 
"step" which Pike was cautioned not to "anticipate?" What were 
the "prospects" that he was to report "in minute detail" to the 
General, but not to the Secretary? Were the "tricks played from 
St. Louis" the reports by Spanish spies of Pike's real mission ; 
and if these reports reached Washington, would it per- 
chance be awkward for Wilkinson to have the Secretary of War 
believe them? Was his suggestion to attempt to be in Washing- 
ton during the next session of Congress simply a piece of worldly 
advice to cultivate governmental influence, and possibl}- supplant 
Lewis and Clark in public favor, or did it have in view the neces- 
sity of counteracting ugly suspicions? What were the "essen- 
tial objects" that must not be sacrificed to gain this point? By his 
parting suggestion, did W^ilkinson still hope for a successful issue 
to Pike's mission, or was he merely stimulating him to do his best, 
despite apparently overwhelming obstacles? The career of James 
Wilkinson will justify all sorts of suspicious questions about what 
are apparently the most frank and simple statements. We may, 
with the utmost assurance, draw the conclusion that Wilkinson 
had a personal motive in sending Pike to the westward, and that 
his motive arose from his complot with Aaron Burr. A more 
interesting poin^ to determine is whether Pike knew of this motive 
of his chief. 

At the very outset we may assume that Pike knew he was to 
act as a spy upon Spanish territory. His own letters reveal this 
only too plainly. From a national point of view he would be 
justified in assuming this role, and his own words do not show that 
he cherished any other idea of his main purpose. Later, in the 
preface to his book,^'^ he indignantly repelled the insinuation that 
his expedition was undertaken to further any sinister end of 
Wilkinson's, or that it had any connection with Burr's conspiracy. 
One who is familiar with Wilkinson's duplicity is only too readv 
to believe that the young officer protests too much. When, in the 
course of his Mexican tour, Pike learned of the exaggerated 
rumors, published in the Mexican Gaccta, of Burr's conspiracy 
and of the suspicions aroused against Wilkinson, he may, for the 



27. Pike, Accounf, efc.^ Introduction (5). 

113 



first time have realized vvliat sort of a construction the Spanish 
authorities placed upon his own expedition.-^ That the Spaniards 
were not the only ones so to interpret Pike's movements is shown 
in a book of travels^^ published contemporaneously with his own ; 
and b}' certain remarks in Congress which drew from him the fol- 
lowing rejoinder, dated February 22, 1808, and directed to Secre- 
tary Dearborn :^° 

" The Honorable John Rowan of the House of Representatives from 
Kentucky has this day made some observations before that Honorable 
body from which a tacit inference might be drawn that my late tour to 
the Westward was founded upon views entirely unknown to the govern- 
ment; and connected with the nefarious plans of Aaron Burr and his 
associates. Had those insinuations arisen in any other quarter I should 
have conceived that my early choice of the military life, the many 
arduous and confidential duties I have performed, with the perfect 
knowledge which the Government must have of my military and polit- 
ical Character; would have been sufficient justification for me to have 
passed over them in silence; but coming from so respectable a source, I 
feel it a duty to myself; my family; and my profession; to request of 
you a testimonial which may shut the mouth of Calumny — and strike 
dumb the voice of slander." 

In answer to this request for a testimonial to be used upon 
members of Congress or to be given to the public, as the young 
Captain (for such Pike had become on his second journey) might 
determine, Dearborn two days later replied :"^ 

"I with pleasure observe that although the two exploring expedi- 
tions you have performed were not previously ordered by the President 
of the United States, there were frequent communications on the sub- 
ject of each between General Wilkinson and this Department of which 
the President of the United States was acquainted from time to time, 
and it will be no more than what justice requires to say that your con- 
duct in each of these expeditions met the approbation of the President; 
— and yovi may rest assured that your services are held in high estima- 
tion by the President of the United States; and if opinion of my own 
can afi^ord you any satisfaction, I can very frankly declare that I con- 
sider the public very much indebted to you for the enterprising and 
judicious manner in which you have performed them." 

This communication officially exculpated Pike, but in no sense 

28. Coues, Pike, II, 500, 652, 836. 

29. Christian Schultz, Jr., Travels on Inland I'oyagc, etc.. II, 154. 
N. Y., 1810. 

30. Coues, Pike, I, L,VI. 

31. Coues, Pike, I, LVII, 

114 



cleared Wilkinson, whose shady reputation so seriously compro- 
mised that of his subordinate and of every one else who ever had 
intimate dealings with him. However, a careful perusal of Pike's 
writings in connection with other available data, can hardly fail 
to establish the opinion that he was guilty of nothing more than a 
sincere friendship for the man who had given him his opportunity 
for advancement ; that he was the unwitting agent of the latter in 
a certain filibustering scheme, which, because of Wilkinson's ofifi- 
cial station, involved a serious demeanor, if it did not border upon 
actual treason ; and that in pursuit of this scheme he assumed a 
policy of deception, reprehensible from the standpoint of personal 
moralit}' and international courtesy, but justifiable in view of the 
equivocal dealings of contemporary Spanish colonial authorities. 
Pike's course throughout, with this one exception, was heroic, and 
judged by the times and circumstances, sincerely patriotic. His 
subsequent career would belie any other interpretation. 



115 



CHAPTER XII. 

OPENING THE SANTA PE TRAIL. 

In the region upon which Pike was about to enter he had been 
preceded by scattered Spanish and French explorers, and more 
immediately by representative fellow-countrymen, whose careers 
illustrated the fact that the westward movement did not await the 
ambitions of generals or of presidents. The departure of these 
men from the country of their birth, or adoption, was noted 
only in the books of some obscure fur-trader, and in a few in- 
stances only have their names even been recorded by the special 
historian ; but they were objects of unwelcome solicitude in their 
new country, and in a wholly r Conscious measure they doubtless 
added to the feeling of bittc -^ with which the authorities of the 
Internal Provinces regarded Pike. 

In July, 1805, Captain-General Salcedo learned from the gov- 
ernor of New Mexico^ that the Cuampa Indians (Comanches?) 
had brought to Santa Fe two Frenchmen and an American, whom 
they had found near the River Chato (Platte?). According to 
Salcedo's sunmiary, all three reported themselves to be the em- 
ployees of a certain Lauselle (Loisel or Louiselle) who had 
erected a fort called "de la Cuesta Azul' (literally "of the Blue 
Mount"), among the tribes on the Missouri,^ and who had sent 
them to trap beaver. Thev had been captured by the Cayguas 
(Kiowas), and by them turned over to the Cuampas (Co- 
manches?), who in turn had brought them into New Mexico. 
Salcedo advised the governor to detain them, and give them some- 
thing to do. At the same time he should make peace with the 
Indians, and endeavor to keep them from trading with these 
American and French trappers. 

We are not told the names of these involuntary additions to 



1. Salcedo to Gov. of N. Mex., July 19, 1805. New Mexico Archives. 

2. The fort was situated upon Cedar Island, in the Missouri, below- 
White River, Presho County, S. D., and was occupied by Louiselle and 
party as early as the winter of 1803-04. (Thwaites, Grig, four., Lewis 
and Clark, I, 160). 

116 



the New Mexican population, but from the similarity of the 
Indians involved, we may hazard the surmise that the American 
was James Pursley. Pike is our authority for the details of Purs- 
ley's journey before reaching Santa Fe. '^ This pioneer was born 
in Bardstown, Kentucky, but left his native town in 1799. In 
1802 he left St. Louis for a year's hunt on the Osage. While 
returning to St. Louis, after a variety of adventures and misfor- 
tunes, Pursley met a trader (probably Louiselle), bound up the 
Missouri, and embarked with him. With some companions 
(nationality not stated, but very likely French), Pursley's em- 
ployer sent him, with a small stock of merchandise, to trade among 
the Kiowas and Padoucas (Comanches). In the spring of 1805 
these Indians were driven by the Sioux to the mountains in which 
the Platte and Arkansas rise, and here Pursley claimed to have 
discovered gold. Knowing that they were near New Mexico, the 
Indians, in June, sent Pursley and his companions to Santa Fe to 
learn if the Spaniards would trade with them. Governor Allen- 
caster's reply was favorable, but Pursley preferred to remain 
among the Spaniards, rather than return to the savages. Here 
he was when Pike visited Santa Fe, making money at the car- 
penter's trade, but restive under the conditions imposed upon him 
and longing for the country with which he was forbidden to com- 
municate ; and here he apparently remained for nineteen years.* 

On the 9th of September, 1805, there presented themselves 
before Salcedo, in Chihuahua, two Frenchmen from Illinois, 
named Juan Bautista (Jean Baptiste) Lalande and Lorenzo 
Durocher.^ These individuals had been sent forward to His Ex- 
cellency by the same governor, in order that he might pass upon 
their petitions to become citizens of New Mexico. After an 
examination which convinced him of the "integrity and sincerity" 
of their motives, he sent them back to Allencaster for final deter- 
mination, at the same time giving him discretion to act in applica- 
tions of this sort. We do not have Lalande's petition before us. 
but we wonder what arguments he uged to convince Salcedo of his 



3. Coties, Pike, II, 756-758. 

4. Cf. Chittenden. Fur Trade, II, 493, note 1. 

5. Salcedo to Governor of N. Max., Sept. f>. 1805. New Mexico 
Irchives. 



117 



integrity ; for he was the man sent by Wilham Morrison, of Kas- 
kaskia, in 1804, on a trading expedition to Santa Fe; and whose 
failure to account, either in person or by remittance, for the goods 
entrusted to him^ constituted the basis of the claim which Pike 
later used, through Robinson, to obtain an entrance into that city.*^ 

Lalande passed up the Missouri and Platte, and sent forward 
Indian emissaries to Santa Fe. These returned with some mer- 
chants to conduct him to that town, where conditions of life ap- 
peared so attractive that he determined to remain. His former 
employer, Morrison, in the vain hope that Pike, in his explorations 
on the Red River, might fall in with some Spanish merchants with 
whom he could negotiate his claim on Lalande, empowered Pike 
to collect the debt. This fact afforded a very convenient pretext 
for visiting Santa Fe, and Robinson was selected as the agent to 
make use of it, when the occasion later presented itself. 

Lalande and his companion, Durocher. who, by the way, is 
never mentioned in the American accounts, were apparently well 
received by the New Mexican authorities, although they appear 
to have suffered a certain amount of espionage. Some months 
after their reception. Governor Allencaster registered a formal 
complaint against them.''' It appears that they accompanied the 
unsuccessful expedition of Lucero and Vidal to the Pawnees.^ In 
the course of their journey they drew some unfavorable compari- 
sons between the Spanish and the American Indian trade, and 
asserted that the Spaniards would never become successful rivals 
of the Americans, because they could not pay their trappers and 
interpreters enough. They themselves were dissatisfied with the 
meagre ten pesos a month which they earned in New Mexico, and 
contrasted it with the twentv-five dollars which they had formerly 
received from the Americans. The governor wrote that after the 
cordial reception given these two Frenchmen, such talk savored 
of base mgratitude. He believed that they desired to return to the 
United States, but that they and the two Frenchmen and Ameri- 
can brought in by the Cuampas (Comanches) should not be per- 
mitted to do so, because they now knew the province so well that 
they might be able to do great future damage. 



Coues, Pike, II, 500-502. 

Allencaster to Salcedo, Jan. 4, 1806. A^ezv Mexico Archives. 

See pa.sfes 65 and 66. 

118 



Lalande, then, apparently did not prosper because of his dis- 
honest change of nationaHty. When Robinson later appeared in 
Santa Fe and presented his claim, the Governor reported that La- 
lande possessed no property.^ Lalande, when attempting to sound 
Pike, himself told the latter that he had been for three years a 
prisoner in the country, and could not get out.^^ It is likely that 
there was more truth than fiction in both statements. At best any 
one coming from the United States would be regarded with sus- 
picion, while there was hardly any limit to the barbarity of Spanish 
treatment toward those whom they received with hostile intent.''^ 
Accordingly, when later in 1806, these were joined by three more 
Frenchmen from Louisiana, or possibly by two Frenchmen and an 
American named Nicolas Cole, captured among the Pawnees, the 
ordinary living and traveling expenses of these semi-prisoners, 
even at the modest sum of two reales (25 cents) a day, threatened 
to become a serious burden, to say nothing of what it suggested 
of future unlawful irruptions.^^ Under these circumstances we 
m.ay imagme with what feelings the officials upon the threatened 
border made ready to receive our young lieutenant, at the head of 
a small detail of the American army, engaged in some uncertain 
mission for its commander-in-chief, whom they knew as a former 
discredited and despised .Spanish pensioner. 

On the afternoon of July 15, 1806, the South-Western Exne- 
dition of Pike began at Bellefontaine Landing, near St. Louis. 
The personnel of the expedition was composed of two lieutenants 
(Pike and James B. Williamson, son of the General), one surgeon 
(John H. Robinson, a volunteer), one sergeant (William Meek), 
two corporals, sixteen privates, and one interpreter, a total of 
twentv-three whites. They were accompanied by fifty-one 
savages returning to their homes on the Osage and Republican 
rivers.^-"^ The details of Pike's journey need not detain us long. 



9. Coues, PlA'c^ II. 624. 

10. /bid, 601. 

11. Witness the treatment of Nolan's men; the imprisonment of 
McKnight and of others; and the confiscations suffered h.v Chouteau 
and De Mun. 

12. jVt'w Me.riio Archives, Sept. 1; Oct. 8, 1806. The records do not 
make it certain whether one or two parties are meant. 

l."^. Coues, Pike, II, 358-360. 

119 



Manuel de Lisa, the fur-trader, attempted to detain the expedition 
by arresting" its interpreter for debt. From La Charette Pike, 
on July 22, directed his famous letter outlining: his plan to reach 
Santa Fe. On the 2Sth, they reached the mouth of the Osage, up 
which they were to proceed, but of which they received report that 
the stage of water was discouragingly low.^"* August i6 they 
passed the site where Pierre Chouteau had formerly erected Fort 
Carondelet, of which no vestige remained. Two days before Pike 
had sent to Wilkinson a report^^ that the Little Osages were on 
the warpath against the Kansas, and that the Grand Osages were 
beginning hostilities against the whites on the Arkansas. To 
Manuel de Lisa. Pike ascribed tlie responsibility for the action of 
the Little Osages, while he seemed to feel that the whole incident 
showed how little dependence could be jitaced upon Indian, and 
particularly Osage, friendship, despite the exertions of Chouteau 
the previous year. The event also made him more determined to 
carr}' out the General's warning against Lisa's trading venture, 
when, a few days later, he met three of his hunters without a pass- 
port.^^' 

On August 19 the expedition was received at the Grand Osage 
village by White Hairs and his people. On the 21st the Americans 
held with representatives of the Great and Little Osages a con- 
ference, at which Pike presented medals and other trinkets, and 
made a request for horses and Indians to accompany him to the 
Pawnees and Kansas, and perhaps further on his proposed jour- 
ney. Pike found that the Indians were not very quick to respond, 
a fact which caused him again to suspect Lisa's underhand influ- 
ence ; nor, at first, could he get the regular government interpreter, 
despite Wilkinson's explicit orders, to agree to accompany him to 
the Pawnees. The Osage chiefs appeared to lack authority, owing 
to a schism in their people some twelve years before. This schism 
had been effected by Pierre Chouteau, because his rival, Lisa, had 
secured from the Spanish government the exclusive privilege of 
trading up the Osage River, after the Chouteau family had enjoyed 
it for a score of years. This schism had brought into being a new 
group on the Arkansas, made up of the votmger, more lawless 

14. Coues, Pike, II, 573. 

15. Cones, Pike, II, 576-577. 

16. For details of the journey; Cf. Cones, Pi/:e. II, 357-387. 

120 



elements. It was this group that had interfered with Jefferson's 
plan to explore the Arkansas and Red.'^ After chafino^ under 
these unfavorable conditions for more than a week, and returning- 
once after starting, owing to the arrival of the trader, C. Chou- 
teau, Pike, with twenty-three whites and goodly Osage delega- 
tions, set out with his three Pawnees for the latter's country. 

Pike's journey over the plains of Kansas was of no particular 
interest. The leader's greatest care seemed to be to keep together 
his savage allies, whom he generally styled "a faithless set of pol- 
troons." On September 22, a Pawnee hunter doubtless caused 
Pike's heart to beat faster in thought of the possibility of a border 
war, by telling him that a party of three hundred Spaniards, for 
some unknovv^n reason had lately advanced as far as the Sabine. 
The same hunter also spoke of the hostilities between the 
Comanches. Pawnees, and Kan.sas. thus showing additional diffi- 
culties in the path of his Indian negotiations. Two days later 
they began to encounter numerous Pawnees, and on the following 
day struck the trail made by Malgares on its return, the grass 
being still beaten down in the pathway. On this same day they 
arrived near the Pawnee villages, where the leader with his white 
and Indian companions met with an elaborate rece])tion. after 
which the main party, under Lieutenant Wilkinson, passed on 
above the village and encamped upon the Republican River. Pike 
devoted himself to a chief who gave him i:)articulars concerning 
the recent visit of the Spaniards under Malgares.^^'* 

As a result of this visit Pike, at the time of his entrance into 
this village, found both Spanish and American flags flying in salu- 
tation. This was in itself a sign that a difffcult negotiation was 
before him. On October 28 Pike held a council with a few of the 
Kansas and Osages, and forced these enemies to smoke the pipe 
of peace, although he was uncertain how permanent this friendship 
would prove. The Kansas also promised to send two of their 
tribe to accompany the party, eUher down the Arkansas or Red; 
but as usual the}- failed to come uj) to their agreement.'" 



17. Coues, Pike, II, 388, -V)2, .=;29, 530, 572-582. See also Chapter IV. 

18. Coues, Pike, II, 393-410. This villaj,'^e of the Pawnee Republi- 
cans — so-called — was on the Republican River near the present Kansns- 
Nebraska boundary. 

19. Coues, Pike, II, 414, 584, 585. 

121 



The grand council with the Pawnees occurred on September 
29. and afforded one incident indicative of Pike's determination 
and diplomacy. The Spanish flag was still flying in front of the 
tent where the council was being held. Among other demands, 
Fik-e stated that this Spanish flag should be given up and an 
American one ran up in its place. At first no response was made 
to this rather audacious proposal, but Pike repeated it with greater 
insistence. Finally one of the old chiefs complied with his de- 
mand, to the great satisfaction of the Kansas and Osage present, 
but with the disfavor of all the Pawnees. Perceiving this, and 
apprei!ensive that his action might cause them some difficulty with 
the Spaniards, should the latter return. Pike gave back the Span- 
ish standard, upon condition that it should not again be displayed 
during the stay of the Americans. This apparently mollified the 
savages, although it did not make them any more willing to aid 
the American officer in his explorations.^^ 

At this conference Pike distributed medals, nresents and mer- 
chandise as a preliminary move to the requests that he made. He 
wished horses, an interpreter familiar with the Pawnee and 
Comanche dialects, and some volunteers to accompany the expedi- 
tion and then to visit Washington. After some days of anxious 
waiting. Pike learned that the Pawnees not only refused his re- 
quests, but that they threatened to prevent the further progress of 
the party. The Indians claimed that they had induced the Span- 
iards to forbear marching nearer the Missouri, and that in return 
for this concession, they promised to prevent Pike's party from 
passing beyond their villages. The occasion was one for prompt 
decision, in which our young lieutenant was not lacking. 

After detailing to the Pawnee chief the purpose for which he 
had been sent and what he had already accomplished, Pike stated 
in his interview that:^^ 

"He must know that the youny" warriors of his great American 
father were not women, to be turned back by words: that I should there- 
for proceed, and if he thought proper to stop me, he could attempt it; 
but we were men, well armed and would sell our lives at a dear rate to 
his nation: that we knew our g-reat father would send his young' 
warriors there to g'ather our bones and revenge our deaths on his people, 
when our spirits would rejoice in hearing- our exploits sung- in the war- 
songs of our chiefs." 



20. Coues, Pike, II, 415. 587. 

21. Coues. Pike, II, 417. 



122 



This exhibition of American courage apparently outweighed 
the obligations of a promise half-heartedly given to the Spaniards, 
for the chief simply said that it was a pity, and remained silent.^- 
However, the Pawnees did make it difficult for Pike to procure 
horses to transport his baggage, and their opposition prevented 
Kansas Indians from accompanying him. As hostilities were then 
existing between the Pawnees and Comanches, Pike could not 
hope to reach the latter through the former. This was a disap- 
pointment, for he understood that the Comanches were then at 
war with the Spaniards, and believed that he could make favorable 
terms with them, if he could reach them and make them under- 
stand his message. Notwithstanding the difficulties in the way, 
he determined to press into their country and do the best possible.^-" 

It was on October 4 that the arrival of two French traders 
gave him the information of the safe arrival of Lewis and Clark 
at St. Louis, and afforded an additional incentive to make his own 
journey a success. Apropos of his main purpose and significant 
of the future highway to the South-West, he v/rote General 
Wilkinson-'* (not the Secretary of War, to whom, upon Wilkin- 
son's advice, he also wrote) that: 

"Any numberof menwhomay be reasonably calculated on would find 
no difficulty in marching- by the route he came, with bag^gage, wagons, 
field artillery and all the usual appendages of a small army; and if all 
the route to Santa F^ should be of the same description, in case of war, 
I would pledge my life, and what is infinitely dearer, my honor for the 
successful march of a reasonable body of troops into the province of 
New Mexico." 

The threatened opposition of the Pawnees made Pike's denar- 
ture froni their vicinity, on October 7.. an occasion of more than 
ordinary interest. Plowever, nothing more serious occurred than 
the stealing of horses (soon returned), after v/hich the little party 
of twenty-six, including four Osages, took up its march for the 
Arkansas. They followed the trace made by Malgares' party on 
its return, and in doing so Pike and Robinson became separated 
from the main party, and did not reach the iVrkansas till the i8th 
of October, three days after the others. After a few days spent 
in the construction of canoes Lieutenant Wilkinson, Sergeant Bal- 
lenger, and four privates, and the Osages started, on the 28th, to 
make the descent of the Arkansas, while Pike, Robinson, and 
fourteen others turned their faces toward the mountains. 

22. Ibid. SS7. 

23. Coues, Pil-e, II. 587-588. 

24. Coues, Pi/tc, II, 413, 588. 

25. Coues, PiA-r, II, 413-432. 

123 



CHAPTER XIII. 

PIKE ON THE MEXICAN BORDER. 

in the letter sent General Wilkinson' by his son. Pike stated 
that Robinson was sanguine of the success of the expedition, and 
that he. as leader, would exert himself "so far as lies in the com- 
pass of human exertions," but he said nothing about reaching New 
Mexico. Rather, he sought to excuse the expense of the expedi- 
tion up to this point, and to compare his task and the results with 
the work of Lewis and Clark. Perhaps he realized that his little 
party was not really in condition for such a mountain journey 
as was still before them, and that with the advance of the 
season he might be compelled to give up his New Mexican recon- 
naisance and be content with the rewards of the ordinary explorer. 
His proposed itinerary now was to ascend the Arkansas till he 
reached the mountains or found the Comanches. Thence he 
should pass to the head of the Red River, "where we shall be de- 
tained some time ;"^ after which he should proceed as quickly as 
possible to Natchitoches. 

Wholly undaunted by the fact that the clothing and provisions 
for his men were wholly inadequate for a winter journey in the 
Rockies, Pike started to trace the Arkansas to the mountain bar- 
rier, which he afterwards described as the natural boundary be- 
tween Louisiana and New M^exico. On November 15, within the 
limits of the present state of Colorado, the leader got the first 
glimpse of the "Mexican Mountains." A week later he and his 
companions encountered a war party of Pawnees, returning from 
an unsuccessful foray against the Comanches, and endured an 
uncomfortable, if not quite dangerous, interview. On the 24th, 
upon the site of the modern city of Pueblo, they constructed what 
was probably the first American structure within the State of Col- 
orado. During the latter part of the month Pike and a few com- 

1 . Cones, Pike, II, 589-594. 

2. This mig-ht mean to prepare canoes for the descent, or to spy out 
the neig-hboring territory. 

124 



panions made a fruitless excursion in the direction of the peak- 
that now bears his name, but returned, stating- his behef that no 
human foot could ascend its "pinical."^ 

For the next two and a half months Pike, in his travels alon^- 
the headwaters of the Arkansas and Platte, was hardly out of 
sio^ht of the i^eak wrongly named after him. He passed up the 
Arkansas as far as the present site of Canon City, and then by a 
detour, to its source, near Leadville. Thence he descended the 
stream, imagining that he was on the Red, until he reached one of 
his former encampments. Pike was unaware of the fact that it 
was the Canadian that rises near Santa Fe, and not the Red, for 
which he was searching. He consoled himself for his failure by 
reflecting that lie had learned much of the headwaters of the 
Arkansas and Platte, and as he mistakenly supposed, of the Yel- 
lowstone."* Passing up Grape Creek, a branch of the Arkansas, 
the party crossed the Sangre de Cristo Mountains, both leader and 
men suffering intensely, and several of the latter being left behind. 
Upon the River Conejos, a western tributary of the Rio Grande, 
about five miles from its mouth, on the ist of February, Pike 
began the erection of a stockade He claimed that it was to serve 
as a protection for the survivors of the party from the Indians, 
while game was being killed and help was sent back to those in 
the mountains.'' 

That Pike had an idea of defending himself against other 
enemies than the Indians is shown by the care which he bestowed 
upon the construction of his stockade, and by his own statement 
that, "thus fortified, I should not have the least hesitation of put- 
ting the lOO Spanish horse at defiance until the first or second 
night, and then to have made our escape under cover of the dark- 
ness ; or made a sally and dispersed them, when resting under a 
full confidence of our being panic-struck bv their number? and 
force."^ 

Pike, by his own claim, believed himself to be upon a tributary 
of the Red River, but he knew that he was a few miles beyond its 
right bank and within disputed territory, if not upon actual Span- 



3. Coues, J'ike, II, 433-459. 

4. Coues, Pike, II, 479. 

5. Coues, Pike, II, 479-494. 

6. Coues, Pike, II, 498. 



125 



ish soil. Apparently he expected an attack from the force under 
Malgares, and was determined to give as good an account of him- 
self as possible. He may have conceived it his duty to construct a 
strong fort within disputed territory and to raise the American 
flag, in order to counteract, by this sort of military demonstration, 
the effect of Malgares" incursion into what he regarded as undis- 
puted American territory. His true motive, in absence of further 
documentary" evidence, must remain uncertain, but his quiet sub- 
mission, m.uch to the relief of the Spaniards, who had a wholesome 
respect for his .stockade, would seem to prove that he intended 
simply to make a demonstration that would secure him an entrance 
into Santa Fe. In view of this demonstration, his subsequent 
treatment by those whom he thus rashly challenged, may be re- 
garded as unusually forbearing. ''^ 

It was from this stockade that, on February 7, Robinson 
started out upon his hazardous mission to collect Morrison's claim 
upon Baptiste Lalande, and incidentally to learn whatever he could 
of New Mexico. Proceeding up the Conejos, on the second day 
he fell in vv'ith some Ute Indians, who conducted him to a frontier 
village, whence he was sent to Santa Fe. From these Indians 
Robinson claimed that he first knew that Pike was on the Rio 
Grande, rather than the Red, and for a time he was uncertain 
whether to return and inform Pike or to push on; but as he dis- 
trusted the Indians, he determined to proceed at once to the near- 
est settlement. The governor, Allencaster, distrusted Robinson's 
alleged motive for being in his capital, but treated him well and 
sent him farther into the interior — a policy that, as long as he was 
kindly treated, accorded onlv too well with the American's wishes. 
Meanwhile, alarmed by the latter's presence, Allencaster took im- 
mediate steps to apprehend Pike and the survivors of his party .^ 

On the i6th of February, Pike experienced the first results of 
Robinson's mission, in the form of a visit from two Spanish spies, 
who were entertained at the stockade and informed of the reason 
for his presence. After they left. Pike took measures to bring up 
his stragglers and strengthen his defenses. On the 26th of Feb- 

7. For a discussion of Pike'.s situation at this juncture, see Coues, 
Pike, II. 499, 504, notes 44 and 46. 

8. Coues, Pike, II, 498, 624, 625. 

126 



niary a party of fifty dragoons and fifty mounted militia arrived 
before the stockade, and from its leaders Pike first learned (so he 
states) that he was upon the western bank of the Rio Grande, and 
consequently within undoubted Spanish jurisdiction. He imme- 
diately lowered his flag, and after some argument with the Span- 
iards, who promised him safe conduct without using the least 
restraint, he made the best of an awkward situation b}' promising 
to accompany them to Santa Fe. In view of all his preparations 
up to this point, we can not but regard this reluctance as largely 
feigned. He was running a risk, it is true, in trusting the Span- 
iards, but he doubtless believed the end he had in view fully jus- 
tified all that he and his men incurred. 

The Spanishi view of Pike and his party is of interest. Aside 
from the documents already cited in the preceding chapters, the 
icport of Governor Allencaster to Salcedo, dated at Santa Fe, 
April I, 1807,^ is worthy of extended notice. After giving a 
resume of the appearance of Robinson and the apprehension of 
Pike and his men, who, however, were not treated as prisoners, 
he wrote : 

" From all which circumstances, from what I gathered from Robin- 
son and from the above named officer (whom he styles "Mungo-Meri- 
Paike") I concluded distinctly that the expedition of July [Juljs 1806], 
was especially designed to conciliate two Indian tribes in behalf of the 
U. S. Goverment, to make them liberal presents, and drawing- them into 
friendship, treaty and commerce, to place them under the Anglo- 
American protection— all this referring especially to the Comanche 
tribe, the most powerful of our allies. 

Furthermore, that the Anglo- American government considers as 
included within the boundaries of Louisiana, all the rivers that empty 
into the Mississippi; and all the territories that extend to the head- 
waters of the Rio Colorado [meaning the Canadian, according to 
Meline] which rises a few leagues from the Pueblo of Taos further to 
the north in this province; that it is their intention this year or the next 
to establish fortes or settlements on all these rivers, in order to monop- 
olize all the trade and commerce carried on by a large number of tribes 
in the province." 

9. Coues, Pike, I, XLVI, XLVII, quoted from Meline, Two Thou- 
sand Miles on Horseback, 243-245. 

10. The journey ends at this time for Pike, Robinson on part of the 
men. On May 3, 1808, Pike reported eight men as still detained in 
Mexico. (Coues, Pike, II, 855, note 5). Tiie Louisiana Herald, May 5. 
1821, mentions the arrival at Fort Smith of Sergeant William Meek, 
who had been released the preceding September, after 14 years detention. 

127 



Underhand dealings with the Indians and unfounded territorial 
claims ! These constitute the burden of the Governor's report, as 
well as of almost every Spanish border communication of this 
period. Yet Pike and his men were treated with undeserved mod- 
eration as they passed on their enforced Mexican tour, which 
finally, by a roundabout course, ended July i at the American 
encampment at Natchitoches, where Wilkinson, a year before, had 
bidden hnn repair.^'' It is not within the province of this study to 
consider the details of this valuable journey. Suffice it to say that 
Pike, b}' somewhat questionable practices, collected a vast mass of 
information, which for the first time presented in an alluring light 
the attraction of the South-West for the prospective trader and 
adventurer. By his cleverness and assiduity, aided by a good 
memory. Pike succeeded in making good, in a measure, the loss 
of his papers at the hands of Captain-General Salcedo. 

Meanwhile, how had it fared with Pike's former associate. 
Lieutenant James B. Wilkinson? After having his superior offi- 
cer, Wilkinson essayed the navigation of Arkansas, but the low 
stage of water caused this to be simply a dragging of the canoes 
through the sand and ice. Naturally this first day's navigation 
caused the party the utmost discouragement, and when, two days 
later, after the river froze completely, the water ran ofiF from 
under the ice, Wilkinson determined to take to the land. This 
step caused the abandotnnent of most of their clothin"- and provi- 
sions. The march over sand hills and river bottoms, with an inad- 
equate supplv of provisions, soon became tiresome, and on the 15th 
of November he halted to construct some new canoes, and to lay 
in a supply of meat. By the 25th of this month he again at- 
tempted the river navigation, but with little better success than 
before. On the 30th he met with some of the Grand Osages, and 
visited one of their chiefs, who complained of the dealings of 
Chouteau with his tribe, and charged him with being unfriendly 
towards the Americans. This gave young Wilkinson opportunity 
to make some remarks about the government policy of distributing 
medals, which had been carried on so as greatly to cheapen the 
value of these tokens in savage eyes.^^ 

The remainder of the unfortunate journey contains little that 

1 1 . Cones, Pike, II, 550-552. 

128 



is worthy of attention. Lieutenant Wilkinson recommended the 
location of a factory on the Verdigris River, and described the 
Osages living upon its banks. Bnt he seems to have had few 
qualifications for taking observations, and the circumstances of 
the journey, coupled with his own indisposition during part of the 
time, did not permit him to add any valuable results to the general 
store of western knowledge. He did, however, prepare a chart of 
his course, which he hoped the President, as well as his father, 
would find satisfactory It was doubtless utilized in making the 
later maps of this region, particularly those published in Pike's 
\/ork. 

When Pike reached Natchitoches, he found awaiting liini 
there a letter from General Wilkinson.^- congratulating him upon 
his safe return, and giving directions regarding his future move- 
ments. It is suggestive to note that he mentioned the reports 
connecting him with P)urr, and then cautioned the young explorer 
to be careful about breathing a word concerning the information 
he had acquired, "because publicity ma} excite a spirit of adven- 
ture adverse to the interests of our government, or injurious to 
the maturation of those plans which may hereafter be found neces- 
sary and justifiable by the government." He asked Pike to make 
up his reports in duplicate and transmit them to him at Washing- 
ton. He was also to furnish the proposed Arkansas expedition^-' 
with such Information as he judged favorable. He mentioned the 
President's approbation of his work on the Upper Mississippi, and 
gave him permission to repair to Washington as soon as his re- 
ports were ready. 

Immediately upon his arrival Pike answered his patron's let- 
ter,^"* giving a very full description of the seizure of his papers at 
Chihuahua, and of the wa\- he had been able to repair this loss, to 
a measurable extent, and add other notes of the journey through 
Mexico. This material would, in his opinion, afiford results which 
he conceived "to be immensely important, and which open a scene 
for the generosity and aggrandizement of our country, with a wide 
and splendid field for harvests of honor for individurds." He 
mentioned the fragmentary character of his notes, which would 

12. Coues, Pike, II, 825-828. 

13. See paffe 90. 

14. Coues, Pike, II, 828-836. 

129 



]>r event him from complying- immediately with Wilkinson's request 
for duplicate copies of his report. He spoke of taking distances 
and courses on his journey to St. Louis, which would complete his 
tour of the greater part of Louisiana. "I am certain," he added, 
"that from the survey of the Missouri by Captains Lewis and 
Clark, my own of the Mississippi, Lieutenant Wilkinson's of the 
Lower Arkansas, which river I surveyed to its sources, and Mr. 
Dunbar's of the Red River, can be formed the complctest survey 
of Louisiana ever yet taken." He spoke well of his men, espe- 
ciallv his interpreter, and recommended his companion. Dr. Rob- 
inson for a commission. 

As Pike was uncertain of Wilkinson's exact whereabouts, he 
likewise reported his arrival to Secretary Dearborn^^^ in a letter, 
less personal in tone, but of more general interest. After bitterly 
criticizing the action of Captain-General Salcedo toward himself 
and command, he fiercely charged him with violation of our terri- 
tories, oppression of our citizens, and tampering with our Indians. 
The "unreasonable ideas" of this official and the Viceroy upon the 
subject of the "line of demarkation" was such as, he thought, 
would preclude amicable adjustment. Upon this line he had some 
mformation, as well as some knowledge of New Spain, that would 
be useful in case of a rupture with the United States. He closed 
his epistle with the following significant summary of recent 
Louisiana exploration, in which his own part was not belittled : 

"The surveys of Captains Lewis and Clark; mine of the Missis- 
sippi; Osag-e; upper Arkansas; Platte and Kansas rivers, with Lieuten- 
ant Wilkinson's and Mr. Freeman's of the lower parts of the Red and 
Arkansas rivers, together with the notes I intend taking- on my route 
from hence up the Mississippi; will I presume form a mass of matter, 
which will leave but threei6 more objects to be desired in forming a 
complete chart of Louisiana." 

Pike immediately began the task of arranging his notes, but in 
the course of a month he realized that the seizure of his papers by 
Salcedo was a more serious loss than he at first thought. Accord- 
ingly, on August 20, 1807, he addressed to that official^'^ a futile 
request for these papers, not merely as a personal favor to him- 



15. Coues, Pike, I, L, LI. 

16. Pike does not mention the three objects, but the writer ventures 
to sug-gest that he had in mind the Red, the Platte, and the Yellowstone. 

17. Coues, Pike, II, 837-839. 

130 



self, but because his notes of the Arkansas would be of value to his 
government in determining- the important question of limits. He 
also remonstrated vigorously against the detention of his remain- 
mg- men long after the time promised by Salcedo. Furthermore, 
Pike took occasion to publish in the Natchez Herald}^ an account 
of the survivors of Nolan's expedition, and of his own intercession 
with Salcedo in their behalf. 

As in the case of the Mississippi voyage, Pike prepared a geo- 
graphical dissertation^^ on the portion of Louisiana that he trav- 
ersed on his second expedition. This comprised some description 
of the rivers he crossed., and the general character of the inter- 
vening territory. He mistakenly made the assertion that he could 
take a position in the mountains from which, by a day's journey, 
he could reach the sources of the Arkansas, the Yellowstone, the 
Platte, the Colorado, or the Rio Grande. He not only made this 
assertion in print, but drew his maps to correspond. Pike was 
likewise the discoverer of the great American Desert, which he 
believed would afford the advantage of keeping our population 
more compact. Furthermore. Pike gave a fairlv complete and 
accurate picture of the Osage, Pawnee and Comanche Indians — 
the latter, of course, not from personal observation. In general, 
one would safely characterize Pike's geog^raphical and ethnological 
work in the South-West as interesting, rather than highly im- 
portant. But this is partly due to the seizure of his papers by the 
Spaniards. 

Shortl}- after the arrival of Pike at Chihuahua, Captain-General 
Salcedo directed a letter to General Wilkinson,'*' in which he 
spoke of the representations made by the Spanish minister at 
Washington, and by Casa Calvo at New Orleans, against any ex- 
ploring expeditions into territories unquestionably belonging to 
His Majesty. He mentioned the reasons given by Pike and Rob- 
inson for their presence in New Mexico, but stated that their 
papers showed an offense against the Crown of Spain that would 
justify their being held as prisoners. With a desire to preserve 
harmonv and good understanding, however, he had merely kept 



18. Coues, Pike, I, LII flf. 

19. Coues, Pike, II, Chapter IV. 

20. Pike, Account, etc., App. to Pt. Ill, 86, 87. Coues, Pike, II, 
815-817. 

131 



their papers, while lie afforded the persons themselves every oppor- 
tunity to return to their native country. When this letter, for- 
warded by Wilkinson, reached Washington, Jefferson suggested 
to Dearborn a conciliatory answer.^^ He was to mention the fact 
that although the United States considered itself entitled to the 
country to the Bravo (Rio Grande), it carefully abstained from 
making any advances beyond the Sabine, until its claims should 
be amicably settled. With the Red River the case was different. 
That river unquestionably belonged to France ; for that nation had 
made several settlements upon it, while Spain, on the contrary, had 
none. Consequently our government, as successor to the French, 
took measures for the exploration of the river., by sending Mr. 
Freeman from its mouth upwards, and Lieutenant Pike from the 
source downwards. The object of these expeditions was merely 
scientific, and Pike's orders to confine himself to the Red were so 
strict that it could be only an unfortunate mistake that carried him 
to the headwaters of the Rio P)ravo. The letter should close with 
a request to excuse his misfortune., and with an expression of 
thanks for the courtesies already extended to him, in the hope that 
these would include the return of his papers. The letter was 
probably dispatched in accordance with the President's suf^-ges- 
tions, but evidently without the washed-for result. 

In addition to the annoyance caused by the loss of his papers, 
partially made good, Pike had to suffer from the fact that his trip 
was authorized only by a general under public, if not official, sus- 
picion ; that no one high in office bore the same personal relation 
to him that Jefferson bore to his former secretary, Lewis ; and 
that his task did not appeal to the popular imagination in such a 
way as did the opening up of a new route to the South Sea. A 
committee of the House of Representatives twice reported in 
favor of his services.^^ General Dearborn wrote him a personal 
letter, in which he spoke of the high appreciation held by the 
President of his pohtical, geographical, and historical information, 
and of his own personal belief that the public was much indebted 
to him.2" He also wrote to the President, urging special com- 



21. Jefferson to Dearborn, June 22, 1807, Ford, Writings of Jeffer- 
son, IX, 85, 86. 

22. Am. State Papers, Misc., I, 719, 942-944. 

23. Coues, Pike, II, 844; Jefferson Papers, Ser. 3, Vol. 11, No. 72. 

132 



pensation. Yet there was somethinf:^ sinister connected with the 
v/hole expedition that created a distrust of its chief actor ; and this 
distrust has remained to the present day. Even the committee 
that on March lo, 1808, reported strongly in favor of compensa- 
tion for him and his men, mentioned the connection of a Joseph 
Ballenger with the expedition as due to the furtherance of some 
Spanish project, and stated that Pike may or may not have had 
knowledge of it, but forebore to discuss it, as foreign to its report. 
With this insinuation of double dealing, in addition to Robin- 
son's presence and subsequent career, and Wilkinson's duplicity, 
Pike certainly carried a load of suspicion and intrigue that would 
have overburdened a far more prominent figure than himself. 
Even his modest literary laurels are tarnished by the fact that he 
used too freely and without due acknowledgment the contem- 
porary publications of the Baron Von Humboldt.-^ These facts, 
however, and the greater glamour accompanying the Lewis and 
Clark expedition, should not lead us to withhold from him due 
credit for his bravery, and for what he actually accomplished. His 
journey proved the feasibility of an overland trading route from 
Missouri to Santa Pe, from which later traders were to reap a 
rich reward, and over which another finally led an American army 
of conquest. His description of the mineral and agricultural 
wealth of New .Spain stimulated the appetite of every adventurous 
American spirit ; while his report of the desire of the native Mex- 
icans for independence doubly stirred some of these to campaigns 
in which the emancipation of an oppressed people and personal 
gain and glory were both controlling motives. During the decade 
after the appearance of his published journal, it formed the guide 
book of the southwestern filibuster. 



24. Ford, Wriiinos of Jefferson. IX, «2; Cones, rike. I. XLI-XLHI- 



133 



CHAPTER XIV. 

THE DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE OF LOUISIANA 
EXPLORATION. 

From a diplomatic standpoint, the subject of Louisiana explo- 
ration presents little of importance, and that is principally con- 
cerned with the results of Pike's unauthorized incursion into New 
Mexico. Yet, for the sake of completeness, this phase of the sub- 
ject should receive brief treatment. Certain correspondence al- 
ready' mentioned, such as Casa Calvo's communications to his 
hom.e government and to the officials of the Internal Provinces ; 
Jefferson's application for a passport for the Red River Expedi- 
tion ; Salcedo's complaints of Lewis, Freeman, and Pike; and his 
spirited missives to Claiborne and Wilkinson,^ bear a semi-diplo- 
matic stamp. In addition, during these critical years of mutual 
recrimination, these exoloring expeditions served too well as pre- 
texts for regular diplomatic communications, to remain unused. 

Early in the year 1805 the Secretary of State, Madison, felt 
called upon to protest to Casa Yrujo, the Spanish minister, against 
certain movements upon the Louisiana frontier, which he regarded 
as hostile in character. In his reply of March 12,^ Casa Yrujo 
gave what seemed a satisfactory explanation of these movements, 
and then proceeded to inquire upon what grounds the American 
government justified the expeditions of Lewis and Clark, and of 
Hunter and Dunbar. Madison had expressed himself as espe- 
cially anxious, while the territorial claims were in dispute, that 
both nations should maintain the status quo upon the Florida and 
Texas frontiers. While the Spanish authorities had in no way 
assented to this proposal, in Casa Yrujo s opinion they had ob- 
served it. He wished to avoid the appearance of recrimination, 
yet he felt compelled to state that when American officials, without 
knowing the limits of Louisiana, authorized the exploration of a 



1. See pages 23, 56, 58, 59, 87-89. 

2. Casa Yrujo to Madison, March 12, 1805. MSS. Spanish Notes, 
I, Bureau of Indexes and Archives. 

134 



reo^ion in the undoubted possession of His Catholic Majesty, as he 
reg-arded the territory bordering^ upon the Missouri and its tribu- 
taries, they were violating the very status quo upon which they 
insisted. These expeditions were without the consent of the 
Spanish authorities, who had received no previous notice of them. 

Although his note remained imanswered, it probably influ- 
enced Jefierson to seek a passport for the Dunbar expedition.-' 
Madison also took occasion to inform Armstrong, in Paris, and 
George W. Erving, our Charge at Madrid,"* that these exploring 
expeditions in no measure justified Spanish hostilities on the 
frontier. The object of the expedition under Lewis had been 
communicated to Casa Yrujo, and the latter had vouchsafed no 
reply to show that the Spanish government was not satisfied with 
the explanation. The American officials had assumed that the 
other expedition was as little objectionable, and, moreover, Gov- 
ernor Claiborne had been ready to enter into explanation with 
Casa Calvo or Folch regarding it. 

After this first protest there was little in the succeeding expe- 
ditions that called for diplomatic intervention previous to Pike's 
famous Mexican tour. The accompanying circumstance of this 
journey offered much to justify such intervention. Casa Yrujo 
had departed, but had left a worthy successor in the Charge 
d'Affaires, Valentin de Foronda. We have already noticed Sal- 
cedo's denunciation of Pike's intrusion and Jefferson's suggested 
reply, ^ which, however, as Madi.son speedily learned, failed to 
appease Spanish resentment. On August 22. 1807, Foronda 
directed to the State Department a note.^ in which he mentioned 
Salcedo's letter to Wilkinson announcing Pike's arrest, and then 
proceeded to laud the generous treatment of the latter by the 
Captain-General as another proof of the friendship which the 
King felt for the American government. Continuing, he uttered 
this significant comment upon Pike's mission : 



3. See page .S6. 

4. Madison to Erving, March IS, 18u5. Bureau of Indexes and 
Archives, Instructions., 6. 

.=;. See pages 131, 132. 

6. Foronda to Madison, Aug. 22, 1807, Spanish Notes, II, Bureau of 
Indexes and Archives. 



135 



"According- to the law of nations Dr. Robinson and the officer Pike 
should have been treated as spies; they were apprehended in a country 
concerning- which there was not the least dispute, the least doubt, but 
that it belonged to my August Sovereign. It is true that the officer 
alleged that he lost his way. The statement may be true, but it may also 
be a pretext, and the latter is more probable. You know that if such 
excuses are satisfactory a spy could never be condemned. You ought 
to know that Pike contradicted himself in his declaration, for at first 
he declared that Dr. Robinson was not connected with him, and later 
that he was. 

The suspicions against this official were increased by discovering a 
small sketch upon torn paper, of the territory situated between Missouri 
and Santa F6, with information, obtained in the latter villa, of its pop- 
ulation, commerce, etc. 

[Consider ?] this fact, that Dr. Robinson had penetrated to Santa 
F6, upon the specious pretext of collecting an accoitnt. Grant that he 
was French, and that he departed the 15th of June, for the country of 
the Pawnees to receive what was due him. Your perspicuity will lead 
you to agree with me that although the assertions may be true, they 
have all the appearances of a mere pretext, since the Doctor belonged 
to Pike's party, and penetrated to Santa F^. 

Nevertheless, the General Commandant has raised to such a point 
his generosity, out of consideration for these States, that instead of 
punishing them according to the full rigor of the laws and of making 
an example, so that in the future no one should dare to place a foot in 
the dominions of the King, my Master, unless with previous license, 
he not only permitted Pike and his soldiers to return to their country, 
but he also advanced them a thousand dollars for their expenses. This 
sum he enters as a claim and I hope that this government will be 
pleased to reimburse it, placing it at my disposition." 

Foronda's letter certainly did not mince matters regarding the 
conduct of Wilkinson's emissaries : and Jefferson, to whom Madi- 
son referred the matter, evidently felt that something must be 
said to remove the implied censure of his government, -without at 
the same time incriminating the protege of his favorite general. 
Accordingly, he advised Madison^ to arrange through the War 
Department for the repayment of the money actually advanced to 
Pike. At the same time he should assure Foronda that this gov- 
ernment never employed a spy for any purpose: and that Pike's 
mission was to ascend the Arkansas and descend the Red. to ascer- 
tain their geography. So far as the administration knew, he en- 
tered the waters of the North River (Rio Grande") beUeving them 

7. Jefferson to Madison. Aug. .W, 1807, Jefferson Papers, Ser. 1, 
Vol. 12, No. 250. 

136 



to be those of the Red. Although our claim extended as far as 
the former river, together with the privilege of navigating it, yet 
Pike's voyage was not intended to assert that right; and it was 
merely mentioned because the Spanish minister has chosen to 
deny it. 

Following the President's suggestion Madison, on the 2nd 
of the following month, informed Foronda that the Secretary of 
War had been instructed to repay the thousand dollars loaned 
Pike. Evidently he made the rest of the President's letter the 
subject of a verbal communication to the Spaniard, for the subject 
does not now appear in the files of the Department. 

B}' the following February Foronda received from Salcedo 
detailed accounts of the expenses incurred by the Captain- 
Generalcy of the Internal Provinces because of the entrance of 
Pike and his party, and notified Madison of this fact.** These 
expenses amounted to 21,655 pesos, 3 rcules, 7 g?'ajws (about 
$21,655.44). more than double the sum appropriated by Congress 
for all the exploring expeditions so far employed. ** The Spaniard 
proceeded upon the principle that the party causing unnecessary 
expenses should be responsible for them. Pike had no business 
in New Mexico ; and as he was an officer in government service, 
the United States was answerable for the expenses growing out 
of his incursion. His government might allege that he had mis- 
taken his route, but that was no fault of Spain. As a proof of 
the moderateness of the charges, he cited an item of $37.50 for 
seventy-five days maintenance of two of Pike's disabled soldiers. 
He did not doubt the fact that when the President's attention 
should be called to the account, he would give the necessary order 
for its payment. 

When Foronda charged the American government witii the 
responsibility for Pike's actions, he placed the administration in 
the awkward position either of repudiating Wilkinson or of as- 
suming a moderate claim for damages. This advantage he lost 
by presenting such an unreasonable bill. After allowing two 

8. Foronda to Madison. Feb. 7, 1808, Spanish No/cs. II, liureaii of 
Indexes and Archives. 

9. These amounted to $2500 for Lewis and Clark, and $8000 for the 
various attempts under Dunbar. The enlisted oflRcers and men were, in 
addition, paid by the War Department. 

1.^7 



weeks to elapse without deigning a reply, Madison wrote asking 
for the Captain-General's itemized accounts. Meanwhile 
Foronda, stirred up from Madrid, became impatient and sent a 
second long dunning note/** in which, by elaborate explanation of 
Pike and Wilkinson's duplicity, he sought to justify Salcedo's pre- 
posterous claim. Since his note of the preceding August, various 
documents had come into His Majesty's possession which aroused 
still graver suspicions that Pike's entrance was premeditated. 
Accordingly, the Minister of State brought the matter to the at- 
tention of the American Charge at Madrid, and wished him like- 
wise to make another vig^orous representation to the President. 

Foronda quoted his letter of August 22, 1808, concerning Sal- 
cedo's generosity towards Robinson and Pike, and then proceeded 
to give other proofs of the malevolent designs of these Americans 
upon New Mexico. In one of the documents seized by Salcedo. 
Wilkinson had written to Pike of Jupiter, of telescopes, and of 
sextants. This fact in itself Foronda thought suspicious ; 
but in another document, where the General again spoke of the 
planet and its satellites, he suddenly introduced the name of 
Miranda. The mention of this restless revolutionist caused the 
Spanish minister to believe that Wilkinson's astronomical instruc- 
tions formed simply a new filibustering code. If Pike knew how 
to take observations, he needed no such suggestions ; if he did 
not, such superficial instruction would avail him nothing. Other 
similar signs also appeared suspicious, especially in the hands of a 
militar)^ officer, at the head of an armed force, and in foreign ter- 
ritory.^^ 

In another document, Foronda continued. Pike mentioned the 
weakness of the Pawnee Republic, in connection with the Red 
River. This led bun to fear that he alluded to Spain. It was 
the same language employed by insolent hack-writers who forgot 
the days when Roman senators spoke of the Spaniards with re- 
spect, or who ignored recent events, such as the humbling of 
British pride before P>uenos Ayres. 

He also complained of other subjects which displayed Pike's 



10. Foronda to Madison, Feb. 22. 1808, Spanish A'o/t's. II. Bureau ..f 
Indexes and Archives. 

11. Cf. Wilkinson to Pike. Awj;. 6, 1806. Coues, Piiw II, 576. 



138 



conduct in a suspiciously hostile light. That officer persuaded the 
Indians to exchange their Spanish flags for American, an act 
which, according to Foronda's logic, signified a desire to draw 
them away from Spanish friendship. This impression was 
further heightened by the impudent and boastful assertion that 
after the following year the Spanish officials would not be ner- 
mitted to regale the Indians with flags and medals. In this par- 
ticular his conduct among the Pawnees was especially reprehen- 
sible. Still more insulting to Spain was Pike's assurance, upon 
which he staked his life and honor, that he could successfully con- 
duct a military force into New Mexico,^^ The premeditated, 
hostile spirit evidenced by these acts was confirmed by the testi- 
mony of one of Pike's soldiers. When some of them inquired of 
him where they were going, and if they were not already upon 
Spanish soil, his only reply was an order to advance. 

Foronda forebore to mention other complaints of the Spanish 
government against Pike's conduct, but again emphasized its gen- 
erosity in dealing with him. He closed this portion of his missive 
by stating that His Majesty would not extend the same clemency 
to future acts of this sort, but would proceed against the delin- 
quents with all the rigor of the laws. 

The gist of the Spanish Minister's communication, however, 
was found in the enclosure which contained Salcedo's itemized 
accounts. It is needless to say that they evidence all of the cus- 
tomary minute accuracy to be found in Spanish official documents. 
The most captious critic could criticise little in the regularity and 
precision with which the Captain General showed the cost, to the 
royal treasury, of Pike's unwelcome visit. It was not the form 
but the content of this carefully-itemized, duly-attested account 
that raised an insuperable difficulty in its reception. 

The most important single division of the account was that 
furnished by Governor Allencaster of New Mexico. This in- 
cluded the expenses of the party that arrested Pike and conducted 
him and his men to Chihuahua, together with a minute detail of 
all articles furnished either the Americans or their captors, and 
repairs to their necessary equipments. This in itself would not 
have amounted to a verv large sum, but in addition Allencaster 



12. See paj^-es 122, 123. 

139 



included the expenses of eight additional parties, ranging in num- 
ber from 33 to 205 men. who at various dates between April 18 
and August 12, 1807, scoured the frontier in search of other pos- 
sible intruders. At least the Governor states that they did. The 
account appears absolutely correct — on paper — and Allencaster 
added to its credibility by crediting Pike with $41 from the sale 
of his wornout horses. But one is tempted to entertain a few 
doubts regarding accounts so very accurately rendered. Expe- 
rience with Spanish colonial documents, especially of a monetary 
character, leads one to doubt mere paper evidence. He naturally 
wonders, if all of thOvSe parties were absent, who were left at home 
to carry on the ordinary occupations of life and guard the settle- 
ments of the Rio Grande valley against the ever-hostile Apaches. 
If these scouting expeditions actually took place, one may infer 
that nearly every able-bodied man in the province had the oppor- 
tunity to take a holiday excursion in the mountains, with the ex- 
pectation that the United States would pay the cost. 

Evidently a long silence on the part of Jefferson and Madison 
followed the presentation of Salcedo's claim. Jefferson believed 
that Foronda was simply using Pike, as well as Miranda, to justify 
Spanish intrigues in the Mobile and Sabine region. In May he 
wrote Madison^'^ that the truth concerning Pike's mission might 
be so simply stated as to show that his presence on the Rio del 
Norte was a mere error whicli should call for setting him right 
instead of forcing him through the interior of Mexico. This did 
not imply a censure of Madison's way of expressing this truth, so 
much as impatience at Foronda's frivolous complaints and argu- 
ments. There was certainly enough that was serious in the cir- 
cumstances of Pike's expedition, but the Spanish minister had 
failed adequately to follow up his first presentation of this fact. 

By June 3, 1808, Foronda became impatient and broke the sil- 
ence of two months by requesting^"' a reply to his itemized state- 
ment. On November 26, he intimated^"' that he did not wish to 
keep asking for this, but that he should consider no reply to him- 
self as no reply to His Sovereign, and so notify his court. Two 

13. Ford, IVritings of Jefferson, IX, 24, 195, 1%. 

14. Foronda to Madison, June 3, 1808, Spanish Notes. II. Bureau of 
Indexes and Archives. 

15. fbid, Nov. 26, 1808. 

140 



days later, however, he had to break his self-imposed silence by 
submitting some additional accounts from Salccdo.^" The prev- 
ious claim had included Pike's expenses only to San Antonio, 
Texas. The Captain General now forwarded the duly attested 
itemized accounts incurred in conducting Pike from that place to 
Natchitoches, and also the cost of maintaining the interpreter and 
four soldieis still remaining in the interior. Accompanying this 
was a statement of the proceeds from the sale of the personal ef- 
fects of Robinson and Pike. From the papers it appeared thai 
their belongings, remaining in New Mexico, were carefully valued 
by a committee of three, and then offered for sale. The proceeds 
were only some $47, and this added to the result from the sale of 
the wornout horses, with their trappings, gave the American side 
a credit of $ioq. but left the total on the Spanish side at $22,064.38, 
with other items to be added for the expenses, since May 8, of the 
men still detained in Mexico. 

In the sale of Pike's effects his theodolite was foimd to he 
broken and attracted no purchasers. The astronomical instru- 
m.ents that so greatly aroused vSpanish fears met with the samo 
fate. Salcedo took occasion to justify his expense account, which 
he understood had met with opposition from the American author- 
ities, on the ground that he feared other incursions, and that those 
who contributed to it were called away from their usual occupa- 
tions, Aside from these items, after deducting the money re- 
ceived from selling Pike's effects, there still remained a balance of 
$1,470.37 representing the money and goods actually furnished 
Pike and his party on their return to the United States. 

As we have already seen, Jefferson was willing to pay the last 
sum mentioned, and had already given orders to that effect. ^'^ It 
was, however, simply out of the question for him to consider the 
payment of the rest of this preposterous claim; and we have no 
evidence that the Spanish minister persisted in urging it. Foronda 
later mentioned Pike's boasting in a letter of recriminations, 
directed to Madison's .Secretary of State, Robert Smith. ^'^ The 
explorer's journey in western Louisiana likewise formed one of the 



16. Ibid, Nov. 28, 1808. 

17. See pag-e 136. 

18. Foronda to R. Smith, Sept. 26, 1809, Spanish Notes, II, Bureair 
of Indexes and Archives, Department of State. 

141 



items of a Spanish memoir.^'^ charging the United States with bad 
faith in its dealings with Spain. One of the specifications of 
Article 4, of the Treaty of February 22, 1819, was to the effect that 
Spain waived all claims growing out of Pike's unauthorized incur- 
sion. This apparently constituted the final diplomatic word relat- 
ing to the Jeffersonian period of Louisiana Exploration. 



19. The memoir is dated Dec. 23, 1814, and was evidently intended 
for Ferdinand VII. A translation is found in the volume entitled Z^/^^ri 
in Relation to Burr's Conspiracy, Bureau of Rolls and Library, Depart- 
ment of State. 



142 



CHAPTER XV. 

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION. 

The task of summarizing the results of four years of Jcffcr- 
.=onian exploration need not be a lengthy one. The main features 
of each separate expedition have been given in the appropriate 
chapters, so that there remains merely the grouping of some of the 
more significant of these features under the headings suggested by 
Jefferson's instructions. 

In a scientific way the results of these various explorations 
were disappointingly meagre, even when judged by the modest 
standards of the day. Lewis and Clark, it is true, did not obtain 
full credit for what they actually accomplished in this particular. 
In the first place, eight years passed before the appearance of the 
summarized edition of their journals, prepared by Paul Allen and 
Nicholas Biddlc. and usually bearing the name of the latter. Then 
from this edition all botanical and zoological details were omitted, 
with the idea of incorporating them in a separate study to be pre- 
pared by Dr. Barton. But the Doctor died before this was com- 
pleted, and the scientific details of the most important of these ex- 
peditions thus remained unknown to the general public until the 
recent publications of Dr. Elliot Coues and Dr. Reuben G. 
Thwaites. Dunbar very frankly wrote the President that the 
scientific results of the Washita tour were almost nil. They did 
discover a new variety of the wild cabbage, but the season was 
unfavorable for botanical research. Still his journal and that of 
Dr. Hunter abound in the results of accurate scientific observa- 
tion ; but this has largely remained hidden in their original journals 
or in the government report which summarized their contents. 
However, the naturalist Nuttall afterward testified to the import- 
ance of their work. 

Pike was hardly fitted for a scientific explorer, while his many 
commissions and resultant duties prevented him from making the 
best of his limited natural abilities. The result of his work was 
rather to arouse general public interest in his field than to satisfy 
the demands of scholars. The summarized journal of the Free- 

143 



man and Custis expedition abounds in botanical details, but it is 
doubtful if these ever became current. Hunter and Dunbar seem 
to have accomplished the best results in a mineralogical way, 
although the region they visited was far less important than the 
upper waters of the Missouri and of the Arkansas, where Lewis 
and Pike operated. All of the explorers seem to have taken de- 
tailed meterorological observations, those of Dunbar being partic- 
ularly noteworthy. All likewise took observations of the latitude 
and longitude of the important places; but the accuracy of their 
observations is often open to reasonable doubt. 

From a geographical standpoint the expeditions accomplished 
more, for their work constituted the basis of v^^estern cartograph}- 
for the next two decades. It is true that the statements and con- 
jecures of the explorers, such as those embodied in the so-called 
"Lewis map of r8o6,"^ were often founded upon insufficient infor- 
mation derived from Indians or irresponsible traders. It is equally 
true that imagination, ambition, or inexact reports sometimes led 
them to make extravagant claims, such as Pike's contention that 
he had penetrated to the source of the Mississippi, or that by the 
Arkansas and the Rio Colorado could be found the best communi- 
cation between the Atlantic and Pacific, this side of Darien.- 
Lewis and Clark were equally astray in emphasizing the import- 
ance of Marias River, and in locating the sources of the Multo- 
nomah near those of the Rio Grande and the Missouri. This 
caused another popular misconception regarding a possible water- 
way to the Pacific and later perplexed the negotiations of 
John Ouincy Adams with Don Luis De Onis.^ These explorers 
may also have been slightly mistaken in mdicating the point of 
highest white exploration on the Missouri; and their commenta- 
tors, until recently, certainly were in assigning to them the credit 
of first using the English term, "'Yellowstone." They probabl}' 
criticised too severely the previous explorations of Fidler and of 
David Thompson. 

The Washita and Red River explorers operated in a limited 



1. Coues, Lewis and Clark, I, 222, note 4. Map in pocket of Index. 
The atlas of the Thwaites edition will also contain the map. 

2. Coues, Pike, II, 522. 

3. Adams, Memoirs, YV, passim; Am. State Papers, For. Pel., IV, 
passim. 

144 



field and recorded little beyond personal observation. As a result 
of the explorations of the whole period, we may say that the Pres- 
ident and his advisers, and later the reading public, secured a very 
satisfactory survey of the upper Mississippi, the Missouri, the 
Osage, the Arkansas (through Lieutenant James B. Wilkinson, as 
well as through Pike), the Red for some 600 miles (its source re- 
maining undiscovered until near the middle of the century), and 
the Washita. Tn addition they had secured information, of not very 
great reliability, concerning most of the important tributaries of 
these rivers. On the whole they had secured a reasonable amount 
of data, for use in compiling the President's "skeleton map" of our 
new territorial possession. 

From an international standpoint Jefferson's early Louisiana 
exploration accomplished much both favorable and unfavorable. 
Whether this exploration, except in the case of Oregon, extended 
the limits to which the United States might justly lay claim, is 
doubtful, but it certainly strengthened its sovereignty within ter- 
ritory which a reasonable interpretation gave it. Lewis and Clark 
on the Missouri, and Pike on the LIpper Mississippi, held very 
agreeable relations with the British fur traders who frequented 
this region, and drew from them unqualified expressions acknowl- 
edging the American right to sovereignty over the soil and regu- 
lation of the Indian traffic. Jefferson in his annual message com- 
mending Pike, was at first inclined to state that his mission 
strengthened otir claim to the 4()th parallel as the northern boun- 
dary of Louisiana ; btit he desisted upon the advice of Madison 
that by so doing he might unnecessarily arouse British ire.' By 
1807 the North West Company abandoned its Missouri trade, and 
in 1816 the British fur traders, except in a subordinate capacity, 
were excluded from the -American soil.' Lewis and Clark and 
Pike certainly contributed to this result. 

It is hard to say just what efifect Pike's Southwest tour had 
upon international affairs — at least from a diplomatic standpoint. 
His detention and the ensuing expenses certainly aroused diplo- 
matic mention, which might have become serious, had the Spanish 

4. Ford, Wri/ings of Jefferson, VIII, 484. 

5. Chittenden, Hist. Am. Fur. Trade,!, 310; Couea, /our. of AleA'. 
Henry, I, 345, note. 

145 



representative handled the matter more skillfully. His raising 
of the American flag on the Rio Grande may have served, in some 
manner, to neutralize the effect of the Malgares raid ; while his 
very audacity in so acting may have secured from the Spaniards 
more respectful treatment than they were wont to bestow upon 
authorized intruders. But the motives of Wilkinson, Pike's prin- 
cipal, were of such a mixed commercial and political nature, and 
withal so sinister, that it is impossible to give a proper interna- 
tional interpretation to this expedition. We are certainly safe in 
saying that the filibustering element of the Southwest, whether 
directed in aid of Mexican revolution or for personal aggrandize- 
ment, was greatly stimulated by Pike's publications. Wilkinson 
clearly foresaw this and warned Pike against a premature publica- 
tion of the results of his journey, because of the danger of exciting 
"a spirit of adventure adverse to the interests of our 
government."*^ 

The Hunter-Dunbar expedition had, of course, little interna- 
tional importance. This element, in the Freeman expedition, 
might have been highly significant, had not the prudent retreat of 
that leader, when confronted bv a Spanish force, removed such a 
possibility. This encounter provoked a vigorous protest from 
Governor Clairborne and an equally vigorous rejoinder from 
Salcedo ; but there is no evidence at present extant to show that 
their respective superiors followed up their correspondence in any 
adquate manner. Doubtless Jefferson was then too interested in 
bringing to a successful issue his purchase of the Floridas, through 
Napoleon's aid, and the settlement of other important diplomatic 
questions with Spain, to imperil these affairs by a vigorous protest 
against the stopping of even one of his cherished exploring expe- 
ditions. His efforts at home, as shown by his annual message, 
seem directed toward concealing the real failure of the expedition. 

If one were to judge from the amount of space devoted to our 
prospective savage allies, both in the instructions and in the jour- 
nals, it would seem that the work of these early explorers should 
have greatly influenced the Indian policy of the American govern- 
ment. That the contrary result was true was due to the inaction 
of the Washington authorities, rather than to any lack in the efforts 
or recommendations of the explorers themselves. Both Lewis 

6. Coues, Pike, II, 826. 

146 



and Pike composed worthy memoirs upon the Indian trade. Some 
of their suggestions regarding the exclusion of foreigners from its 
enjoyment were adopted years after, but no efficient means were 
taken to prevent unauthorized trading on the part of American 
citizens. Pike, too, preached far better than he practiced in the 
matter of giving whisky to the natives. 

Upon certain Indians the explorers seem to have made a defi- 
nite impression. This was true of Lewis and Clark among the 
Mandans. Although at first somewhat suspicious, these natives 
came to regard the Americans in a favorable light, during the 
course of the long winter sojourn. They appreciated the black- 
smith of the party, even if they could not understand the proper 
use of the corn mill presented to them. They wore American 
medals and displayed the American flag, even when British traders 
visited them. Some of the neighboring tribes, however, distrusted 
the "medicine" of the medals, and were reported by a British trader 
as disgusted with the high-sounding language of the Americans.'^ 
Few of the Indians could penetrate the design of the Americans 
in attempting to record their words, and this practice they regarded 
with suspicion. In general we may say that Lewis and Clark's 
stay among the Mandans was beneficial to explorers and Indians 
alike. These men apparently made a stronger impression than any 
other of the expeditions made upon a single tribe, with the possible 
exception of Freeman among the Caddoes and Coashuttas. It is 
doubtful, of course, if Freeman did not mar this impression by 
yielding to the Spanish force sent to oppose him. At any rate we 
later find that the Caddo chief received commissions and medals 
from the Spaniards, although he volunteered with his warriors for 
the defense of New Orleans against the British.^ 

Pike's own account of his dealings with the Indians seems to 
show that he was uniformly successful; yet in the one treaty of 
this period for which he was responsible, there was a great deal of 
underhand work, and on other occasions a careful reading between 
the lines would show that the Sioux and Chippewa chiefs were 
■'working" the ambitious young officer. Pike's course among the 
Osages and Pawnees was brave, even to rashness, and it is probable 



Coues, Journal of Alex. Henry, I, 349, 350. 
Niles Register, XIX, 133, Oct 28, 1820. 

147 



that his bearing- went far to counteract the effect of Malgares' in- 
cursion. His colleague, Lieutenant James B. Wilkinson, at- 
tempted to supplement his efforts by recommending a trading 
liouse among the Osages. Perhaps the temporary establishment 
known as Fort Osage was in part due to his policy. Sibley's im- 
portant work was, of course, among Indians; and if we may be- 
lieve the reports of his enemies he was reasonably successful in 
attaching them to the American cause — at least during the period 
in question. 

In one important particular the efforts of all these explorers 
were, as might be expected, utterly futile. Disregarding natural 
conditions, Jefferson had conceived the idea that peace was the 
most desirable state for his untutored savage children. With in- 
sufficient military strength to enforce his system, its failure was a 
certainty. The utmost efforts of Lewis and Clark and of Pike 
could not bring about a permanent peace between the Sioux and 
the Chippewas. Lewis and Clark upon their home journey found 
that the tribes of the Sioux that had less than two years before 
agreed to bury the hatchet with the Mandans and kindred tribes, 
again at war with them. Nor was their second attempt to patch 
up a peace, although accompanied by salutary warnings, more 
effective than the first. Not merely Indian allies, but also Amer- 
ican traders and army officers were finally brought to realize the 
treacherous and utterly hostile character of the Sioux. Pike's 
efforts among the Osages, Pawnees, and Kansas were not more 
successful, for interested traders continually interfered to provoke 
the nnitually hostile spirit of these tribes. Pike never reached the 
Comanches in his mission to bring about a peace between them and 
the Pawnees. Possibly if Freeman's expedition had succeeded in 
its original intention to ascend to the Pawnees and this had been 
supplemented by Pike's efforts among these same Indians, more 
substantial results would have been achieved in the Southwest. 
But no permanent peace could have been maintained without an 
adequate military force to restrain unscrupulous traders and restive 
Indians. 

If a hollow peace, shortly to be followed by more atrocious 
hostilities was the only result of their negotiations among the 
Indians themselves, it is hardly likely that the latter would regard 
with increased respect the government that brought about this 

148 



peace. But little effort was made to follow up these negotiations 
by an effective military display that would increase the confidence 
of the Indians in the American g-overnment and insure its traders 
adequate regulation and protection. On the contrary, in many 
'^ases, the government had to depend upon the fur traders to 
further its Indian relations, with the natural restult that its policy 
was twisted to serve the ends of private individuals. An in- 
stance to •:he point seems to be afforded by the fact that the Amer- 
ican government approached the Osage Indians through Chouteau 
rather than De Lisa. Lieutenant Wilkinson also made the charge 
that the wrong chief was often selected as the recipient of medals ; 
that these medals were not showy enough in make-up; and that 
too many of them were distributed to preserve their true value, 
fn general, the policy of the British agents and even of the Spanish 
colonial officers, aopears much more effective than the efforts of 
Jefferson and his immediate successors. 

In brief, it may be said that Jefferson's Indian policy was 
largely a failure ; that these explorations added to awkward inter- 
national complications ; that the geographical data gathered by his 
agents were fairly complete, but occasionally misleading ; and that 
the store of scientific knowledge acquired by them was neither 
great nor readily available. In addition, Jefferson's particular 
plan for the exploration of the Louisiana Purchase was almost a 
complete failure, although this result was partly due to Spanish 
opposition. In part only, the writer thinks, for there seemed to 
be a lack of practical knowledge and of hearty co-opertion among 
those concerned in this particular phase of the exploration that 
would have prevented success, even against mere natural obstacles. 
Consequently the most successful expeditions for Louisiana explor- 
ation were the one conceived by the President for another purpose, 
and those planned without previous consultation by his subordinate 
Wilkinson, for his own ulterior purposes. 

Yet, despite so many discouraging features, there were com- 
pensating gains. Lewis and Clark, within the Louisiana Pur- 
chase, emphasized, if they did not point out, the great fur trade 
route to the Northwest. This emphasizing, as has already been 
shown, was bearing fruit, even upon their return journey. Pike 
strengthened our claim to I'pper Louisiana and pointed out the 
great commercial route from Missouri to New Mexico — a route 

149 



which afterwards became a historic hig^hway in the economic and 
miHtary conquest of the Southwest. Dunbar, Hunter, Freeman, 
and Sibley probably hastened the occupation of the region they 
explored ; for within a decade the squatter and more pretentious 
settler were already firmly established there and encroaching upon 
the rights of our recently adopted native wards. Thus there were 
tangible r'^sults to show for the modest $10,500 expended in border 
exploration. But it was the fur trader and the pioneer settler, 
rather than the casual explorer, who really" opened up our great 
West and made the Louisiana Purchase an important element in 
our national strength. 

The rewards, both immediate and remote, obtained by the ex- 
plorers varied greatly. Lewis and Clark bore regular army com- 
missions and received the pay due their rank. In addition, through 
lefferson's personal influence, they and their followers received 
land grants. Pike likewise was an army officer, but as his most 
influential patron was Wilkinson, no land grants were forthcoming 
to himself and men. Dunbar, Hunter, and Freeman, while actu- 
ally engaged in work, apparently received a small salary in addi- 
tion to expenses. But this did not exceed the rate of $1,000 per 
annum — the amount likewise of Sibley's salary as Indian agent. 
Of course Dunbar was a wealthy Mississippi planter and Sibley a 
Louisiana ranchman, while Hunter was a physician with an estab- 
lished practice. Of Freeman little is known aside from the fact 
that he was a practical surveyor. Lewis and Clark, however, 
seem to have been the only ones well cared for in a material and 
political way, although in his military profession Pike was ad- 
vanced with sufficient rapidity. 

In a literary way Dunbar held, and retained, an established 
reputation as a scientist of more than local reputation, but his 
work as explorer added little to this reputation. Hunter, Free- 
man, and Sibley are unknown names in either the scientific or the 
historical department of letters. Lewis, Clark, and Pike have 
fared better at the hands of the historical nmse. There has been 
a series of ups and downs in the contrasted careers of the insepara- 
ble pair and of their path-breaking rival. The reputations of the 
former, with such a patron as the President, were assured, and the 
early meagre reports of their work attracted wide attention. But 
Pike was first in the literary market with the published account of 

ISO 



his travels, and his book was fortunate in appealing to the public 
at the proper moment. The age of the combined Mexican revolu- 
tionist and of the American filibuster, of which class his colleague, 
Robinson, was a good example^ was deeply affected b}^ Pike's illum- 
inating, even if illogical, pages; and for three decades after the 
publication of his book — decades during which Mexico became 
independent, Texas was settled, the Santa Fe trade developed, and 
California opened to the civilized world — he was easily the com- 
manding figure of this period of early exploration. With the 
prominence of the Oregon question, and the development, not 
merely of the valley of the Missouri but of the far Northwest, the 
inseparable explorers again forged to the front, where they have 
since maintained their position. The question whether the explor- 
ations of Lewis and Clark or of Pike are really the more important 
is one which future historians only can safely answer. The uti- 
mate development of the great Northwest and the great Southwest 
alone can offer the solution. 

To whichever of the subordinates the palm for the greatest 
American exploration is utimately awarded, it may reasonably be 
inferred that the greatest credit for the movement must always be 
assigned to President Jefferson himself. It was he who originally 
conceived the far-reaching idea, even though in one case his sub- 
ordinate general made use of it to serve his own particular pur- 
po.se. He took a personal interest in arranging every detail of the 
work; and although his suggestions often smacked of his Monti- 
cello library, yet he was ready to change and adapt his scheme to 
fit practical conditions. His personal care was felt by every subor- 
dinate engaged in the undertaking, and the latter believed that 
good work on his part would receive personal commendation, if 
not more substantial reward. The President never was satisfied 
until the published results of the expeditions were given the ut- 
most possible publicity, and it is no fault of his that certain journals 
have not been better known during the intervening century. He 
was always ready to solve the diplomatic perplexity preceding or 
following one of his proposed expeditions, or even when arising 
from an unauthorized incursion. Thus it is only fitting that a study 
devoted to this important subject of Louisiana exploration, should 
emphasize the personal influence of the President whose scientific 
tastes demanded a careful survey of the vast territory that fortu- 
nate diplomacy had placed within his grasp. 

151 



BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

I. ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT SOURCES. 

A, United States Government Archives. 

1. Bureau of Indexes and Archives, Department of State. 
This bureau contains the files of diplomatic correspondence. The 
subject of Louisiana exploration attracted few diplomatic notes, 
so this collection has been little used in the preparation of this 
work. The volumes consulted have been Spanish Notes, Vols, i 
and 2, containing the communications from Casa Yrujo and 
Foronda; and Instructions, Vol. 6, containing two dispatches from 
Madison to Armstrong and Erving. 

2. Bureau of Rolls and Library, Department of State. In the 
Library of the State Department, officially designated as above, 
are to be found the six manuscript volumes of the Claiborne Cor- 
respondence. The volumes form a most valuable source for the 
history of the southern portion of the Louisiana Purchase, until 
i8i2. While the collection is largely made up of Claiborne's letters 
to Jefiferson, Madison, Robert Smith, and Monroe, there are many 
enclosures composed of letters written to Claiborne. The young 
governor seems to have been somewhat changeable in his inter- 
pretation of events, but accurate in reporting them. The volumes 
also contain valuable miscellaneous documents. 

3. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Department of the Interior. 
While the archives of this bureau contain comparatively little 
relating to the Southwestern Indians, before 1820, there are a few 
important letters relating to frontier conditions to be found in the 
miscellaneous files ; and several, some of which have been used in 
this work, relating to Dr. John Sibley, in the volume entitled 
Indian Office. Letter Book B. These letters throw some light 
upon the earlv dealings of our government with the Southwestern 
Indians. 

B. Spanish Archives. 

1. Bexar Archives. This valuable collection embraces a wide 
varietv of Spanish colonial documents, relating to the Province of 

153 



Texas, and more particularly to San Antonio, from the early years 
of the eighteenth century to 1836. For the purpose of this work 
the correspondence of Captain-General Nimecio de Salcedo, of the 
Internal Provinces (to which group Texas belonged), with the 
Viceroy of New Spain and the Governor of Texas, and of the 
latter with the officials on the Louisiana-Texas frontier, was espe- 
cially valuable. These letters give the Spanish interpretation of 
events that have usually been reported only from the American 
standpoint. The collection is in the process of arrangement and 
classification, so the separate documents are referred to by name 
and date only. 

2. Neic Mexico Archives. A much less extensive collection 
than the previous one, and far less valuable in character, probably 
owing to the pilfering of the more important documents. Most 
of those now found in it relate to the local history of Santa Fe. At 
present the collection is in the Library of Congress, where it is 
readily accessible. For the years covered by this work I found a 
few documents that were suggestive, rather than very important, 
while with reference to Pike himself, I discovered but an inconse- 
quential reference. These documents serve, however, to supple- 
ment certain other collections. 

3. Archive General, City of Mexico. A good description of 
this vast collection is contained in the Nation for May 30, 1901. 
Doubtless there is buried within it a great deal of material relating 
to Louisiana exploration, and amongst this some future investi- 
gator may possibly discover the confiscated journal and papers of 
Pike. For the present work I have made slight use of Volume 43, 
Ramo de Historia. 

G Official Correspondence, Etc 

1. Wilkinson Papers. Four volumes of letters to and from 
General James Wilkinson are now in possession of the Chicago 
Historical Society. The letters are valuable in so far as they sup- 
plement his published Memoirs, but they do this to a limited extent 
only. The greater part of the letters are written to Wilkinson, but 
those from Pike are conspicuous by their absence. 

2. Jefferson Papers. This collection of 137 volumes, now 
housed in the Library of Congress, and thoroughly calendared in 
Nos. 6. 8, and to of the Bulletins of the Bureau of Rolls and 

154 



Library, is the most important and most available manuscript 
source used in this work. The details of the arrangements for 
Louisiana exploration can be found nowhere else. While the col- 
lection as a whole reveals the versatility of Jefferson's genius, his 
instructions to the various explorers and his correspondence with 
them display a minute knowledge of the practical details of wilder- 
ness life and of the results to be expected from systematic explora- 
tion. Occasionally it is necessary to discount Jefferson's report 
of results obtained from the explorations he planned, but his state- 
ment of details is reliable. 

3. Manuscript Journal of George Hunter up the Red and 
Washita Rivers zvith Wm. Dunbar, 1804, by Order of U. S. and 
up to Hot Springs. This is one of the two important sources for 
the Hunter-Dunbar Expedition of 1804-05. The MSS. is in pos- 
session of the American Philosophical Society of Philadelphia. 
Dr. Hunter was a shrewd and well-trained observer, with the 
power to comment with interest upon what he saw. His journal 
admirably supplements that of Dunbar, and is far more readable. 



Such of these manuscript collections as are to be found at 
Washington are described briefly in the Guide to the Archives of 
the Government of the United States in Washington, prepared 
under the auspices of the Carnegie Institution by C. H. Van Tyne 
and W. G. Leland. This pioneer Guide, however, is in many cases 
little more than a catalogue, compiled from office indexes or from 
the designated titles of the volumes. Even with these necessary 
limitations, it is very helpful and suggestive ; but a personal exam- 
ination of individual volumes often discloses unexpected material. 
This is particularly true of the volumes in the Library of the State 
Department, where the binder's titles and the partial tables of con- 
tents are often misleading. For the Bureau of Indexes and 
Archives, Professor A. C. McLaughlin has prepared a brief pre- 
liminary Report on the Diplomatic Archives of the Department of 
State, 1/8(^-1840, also published under the auspices of the Carnegie 
Institution. 

A Report on the Public Archives of Texas, published in tin- 
Annual Report of the American Historical Association for looi, 

155 



page 353, makes brief mention of the Bexar ArcJiives. A more 
complete description, prepared by the late L. G. Biigbee, was pub- 
lished in the University of Texas Record for October, 1899. ^ 
brief notice is likewise to be found in the Quarterly of the Texas 
State Historical Association, I^III., syy, jyS. 

In addition to the six volumes of the Claiborne Correspondence 
in the Bureau of Rolls and Library at the State Department, 
Washington, there is in the possession of the Department of 
Archives and History of the State of Mississippi, the manuscript 
journals of Governor Claiborne from 1803 to 1816 — a much more 
complete set than the one in Washington. The various docu- 
ments are listed in the Third Annual Report of the Director of the 
Department. 

Although the present work is largely based upon manuscript 
sources, yet references have been made to printed material, wher- 
ever possible. In the case of the Lewis and Clark and Pike expe- 
ditions, the references have been almost entirely of this character. 
The well-known sources will be listed without extended comment. 



11. ORIGINAL PRINTED SOURCES. 

A. United States Government Documents. 

1. American State Papers, (a) Foreign Relations //. A 
few military and Indian reports from the Louisiana frontier. 
(&) Foreign Relations IV. Casual reference to negotiations be- 
tween J. Q. Adams and De Onis. (r) Military Affairs I. Letter 
of Salcedo to Claiborne, id) Miscellaneous I. House report in 
favor of Pike, 

2. Annals of Congress. (0) 8 Cong. 1. House report in 
favor of Louisiana exploration, {b) 8 Cong. 2. Information 
concerning Louisiana. ( c) Cong. 2. Message transmitting 
Dimbar's Report and Lewis's Mandan Letter. Summary of Dun- 
bar's Journal. Sibley's letter describing the Red River, Sibley's 
Indian Report. Second House Report, favoring Louisiana ex- 
ploration. 

156 



B. Works of Travel and Exploration. 

1. Thwaites, R. G. Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark 
Expedition (five volumes consulted), New York, 1904-05. Con- 
tains a few general points not clearly brought out in the abridg- 
ment of Nicholas Biddle. V^aluable chiefly for the scientific data 
now made available, and for the footnotes. 

2. Coues, Elliot. History of the Expedition of Lewis and 
Clark, New York. 1893. The Biddle abridgement, illustrated by .1 
wealth of footnotes derived from the Original Journals (Mss.) 
and other sources. 

3. Gass, Patrick. A Journal of the Voyages and Traz'els of 
a Corps of Discovery, Pittsburg, 1807. Interesting for occasional 
comments which have been generally utilized in the footnotes of 
the two preceding works. 

J. Dunbar, William. The Exploration of the Red, the Black, 
and the Washita Rivers, in Documents Relating to the Purchase 
and Exploration of Louisiana. Boston, 1904. In this volume 
Dunbar's journal first appears in print in complete form. It is the 
first accurate scientific description of the region traversed. 

5. Freeman, Thomas, and Custis, Peter. Account of the Red 
Riz'er in Louisiana, Drawn up from the Returns of Messrs. Free- 
man & Custis, to the War Office of the United States, Who Ex- 
plored the Same, in the year 1806, found in Library of Congress, 
Miscellaneous Pamphlets, Vol. 861, No. 8. This pamphlet is ap- 
parently based upon the original journals of the explorers, which, 
if still extant in the archives of the War Department, are not now 
available. A manuscript copy of the pamphlet is also in posses- 
sion of the Library ot Congress. The scientific description of the 
lower Red River is an excellent supplement to Sibley's cursory 
account. The Indian relations of the expedition and the encoun- 
ter with the Spaniards are graphically described. 

6. James, E. J. Account of an Expedition from Pittsburg 
to the Rocky Mountains, etc., Philadelphia, 1823. Volume II. 
contains a brief summary of the Freeman Expedition, apparently 
based on the above pamphlet, although the author states that he 
saw the original journals of Freeman and Custis in the files of 
the War Department. 

157 



7- Pike, Z. M. Account of Expeditions to the Sources of the 
Mississippi and Through the Western Parts of Louisiana, etc., 
Philadelphia, iSio. The first complete edition of Pike's journals, 
prepared under the personal supervision of the author, but in a 
most confusing- and perplexing manner. The author states that 
on account of the seizure of his papers by the Spaniards, he had 
to supply part of the notes for his Southwestern tour from 
memory. 

8. Coues, Elliott. The Expeditions of Zebulon Montgomery 
Pike, New York, 1895. A more satisfactory edition of the above, 
rearranged, annotated, and indexed. Preferable for reference. 

9. Coues, Elliot. The Journals of Alexander Henry, New 
York, 1899. Afifords some light on the Lewis and Clark Expedi- 
tion. 

10. Jefferson, Thomas, llie Limits and Bounds of Louisi- 
ana, in Documents Relating to the Purchase and Exploration of 
Louisiana, Boston, 1904. Contains Jefferson's views upon the 
extent of the Louisiana Purchase, ])ut largely based upon obsolete 
authorities 

11. Robin, C. C. Voyages dans L'Intereiir de la Louisiane, 
etc., Paris, 1807 (?). Volume IL contains an important memoir 
upon the limits of Louisiana. There are some interesting obser- 
vations upon the events of early American possession of that ter- 
ritory. 

12. Schultz, Christian. Travels on an Inland Voyage, etc., 
Philadelphia, 1810. Makes an interesting comment on Pike's 
journey. 

13. Hutchins, Thomas. Historical, Narrative, and Topo- 
graphical Description of Louisiana and West Florida, Philadel- 
phia, 1784. Casual reference only. 

14. Romans, Bernard. A Concise Natural History of East 
and West Florida, etc.. New York, 1775. Casual reference only. 

15. Gould, George. A General Description of Prov 

ince of West Florida, 1769. MSS., American Philosophical So- 

158 



ciety, Philadelphia. Although not in printed form, it is mentioned 
at this point in the bibliog^raphy because not meriting^ a fuller de- 
scription among the manuscript sources. 

G Memoirs and General Correpondence. 

1. Wilkinson. Memoirs of My Time, 3 vols., Philadelphia, 
1816. Volume II., Appendix, contains some references to the 
Southwest. Volume I. has several important letters relating to 
N'olan. 

2. Adams, J. Q. Memoirs, 12 vols., Philadelphia, 1874-77. 
Volume IV. has been castually noticed, with reference to the Mul- 
tonomah and the negotion with De Onis. 

3. Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Association, Vol. 
VII., 308-317. Contains some correspondence relating to Philip 
Nolan. 

4. Ford, P. L. Writings of Jefferson, 10 vols., New York, 
1898-1902. The most important printed collection of Jefferson's 
writings. 

5. Washintgon, B. The Writings of Jefferson, 9 vols., 
Washington, 1853-54. Practically superseded by the above. 

6. Memorial Edition, Works of Jefferson. A few letters not 
found elsewhere in print. 

D. Periodical Literatwrc. 

1. Literary Magazine and Annual Register. Vol. VI., 173- 
174, Contains a letter of Sibley. 

2. Baltimore Teiegraphe and Daily Advertiser, March 22. 
1806. Casual references to frontier conditions. 

3. Niles Register. October 28, 1820. Mention of the Caddo 
Indians. 

4. Loni.uana Herald, May 5, 182 1. Mention of return of 
William Meek, a member of Pike's party. 

E. Atlas. 

JefTery. American Atlas, etc., London, 1776. Used to iden- 
tify certain tributaries of the Mississippi and Missouri. 

159 



III. SECONDARY SOURCES. 

1. Adams, Henry. History of the United States, 9 vols.. 
New York, 1889-91. Important for the period, but little used for 
this particular subject. 

2. McCaleb, W. F. The Aaron Burr Conspiracy, New York, 
1904. Important for the relations between Wilkinson and Burr. 

3. Gayarre. History of Louisiana, American Domination, 
New Orleans, 1885. The most important history of Louisiana for 
the period, making good use of the documentary sources. The 
use of the Claiborne Correspondence largely removes the necessity 
of citing Gayarre. 

4. Chittenden. History of the American Fur Trade, 2 vols.. 
New York, 1898 ( ?). A valuable study based largely on manu- 
script sources. Little used, however, in this work. 

5. Wheeler, Olin D. The Trail of Lezvis and Clark, 2 vols., 
New York, 1904. A valuable popular contribution to Louisiana 
Centenary Literature. 

6. Thwaites, R. G. Rocky Mountain Exploration, New York, 
1903. A brief, concise summary of western exploration — a schol- 
arly synopsis, yet written in a popular vein. 

7. Dellenbaugh, F. The Breaking of the Wilderness, New 
York, 1904. An interesting popular account of western explora- 
tion. The literary style is good, but occasional details arc ;;^..c- 
curate. 



160 



/ 



^ 



o > 



^: ^0^ 







^^ 






0^ -^c. 



v> 



V 



^^ 



4 O 



-i* 







> 0*1/ '';-i w * a"^' '-^^ • - <i^ >s>- 







^^-n^. 




•^'^^ 









^ '.^S^v ,/■ V "^'^^^l^/ .-^'^ ''"' 



misr^-' c^-:.. omi^#- 










^ [^ . \hi 






^^-^^^ 






>„ *: 



,^^ o 



«,«o- ,0-' "^d. "r, .•' <{,^ o 







-^.-^^ 



^--9^' 










^o 



-<%_ /.-^.-^ /.•^i>->'. .^°^;^-> .^ 








**\- 



?.°-^^ 






^f. 
-^^ 







•^* 



■* av "^ .wis* «.^ "^ oVjl\K* <^r "^ • vmsr^ ♦ «; 



^^-V 







* .V <>. 









%»' • ♦ ' < V 

I' 

























^_ ' *": 












C 



0' 






^,. ' /'\ ^^y^^^ ^'% "^^^^ /"X ^^^^^^ -^ 




^j^ "^^ MANCHESTER 
INDIANA 




;^ ^.^ 










'liK5 



illll 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



014 544 045 2 




i 









>t«tjrwif «>Hll 



